The Colombian Empire: A (mostly) United Latin American TL

[moxn]

The Second Republicano War part 2

“Is it any surprise that out of the many contradictions of the [Colombian] revolution, perhaps the greatest of all came from foreign intervention? The perfidious British had just finished attacking the southern provinces before turning around to 'liberate' them in 1819 to '21, and this fact was not lost on Artigas and his republicans. Nor has it been forgotten by the republicans today, who realize the so-called revolution simply swapped one imperial master for another...”

Sofía Cola, Mérida Historical Society

While the Rio de la Plata was the last viceroyalty to receive the news of British intervention, it was in this region that their involvement had the greatest impact. By the end of 1819, it was the last major region to hold out against Colombian authority (although pockets of loyalists, republicans, and bandits continued to exist for years to come). Although San Martín's skilled command allowed them to defend Buenos Aires and consolidate control over more of the interior, the Colombians were unable to touch Montevideo and much of the Platense Federation's core territory.

With the arrival of a much larger British fleet, however, this began to change. Although Montevideo was insulated from any ground attack by the Colombians, it remained vulnerable to aquatic assaults. It simply required a naval force large enough to overwhelm its defenses. This necessary force came under the command of Admiral Charles Stirling, who had helped the British take the city over a decade before. To supplement this front, San Martín led a renewed campaign across the Paraná river to further divide the republican armies and prevent reinforcements from reaching the capital.

It was in light of this that Artigas realized Montevideo could not be reasonably held, and moved his capital to a more defensible position, first to Concepción on the Uruguay river, and later to Corrientes on the Paraná. Because of this retreat, what was expected to be a major siege of Montevideo turned out to be a minor battle within the greater war.


British forces quickly helped take Montevideo and began to march north.

As the capital moved, however, more cracks began to show in the young federation. Early on, centralists had been excluded from the government, and so it failed to draw much of their support. With the federalists in power and unopposed, the country was much more decentralized than Colombia and struggled to form an effective, united front. Provincial governors fielded their own armies and largely fought for their own objectives. When reinforcements were needed in another province, they were slow to show up, and in some cases never answered the call at all. The federal government remained toothless, and any attempts to expand it simply drew the provinces further apart.

Throughout 1820, Colombian forces penetrated deeper and deeper into Platense territory and began to take control over the major cities. After the capture and execution of Francisco Ramírez, and the news that some of the governors were signing peace agreements of their own accord, Artigas left the country altogether. At first he went north to Paraguay, but found the situation there had become even worse than in the Platense. With nowhere else to go, he fled to Brazil.

The Paraguay that Artigas passed over had degenerated into a small dystopia over the last three years. Originally, the small nation had set out to become an isolated republic, insulated from all the chaos and bloodshed of the outside world. Much of this movement revolved around the growing cult of personality of José Gaspar de Francia, more commonly known as simply Dr. Francia. For the first year Dr. Francia ruled as one of three consuls. However, when his personality chafed against some of the other local elites, they began a plot to remove him from power.

Unfortunately for these men, their plan had been found out by one of Francia's spies. After collecting incriminating letters and publicly trying them, Francia had nearly all of the conspirators executed or forced into exile, including the other two consuls he had once shared power with. Francia took full advantage of the trial, and used it as a tool to completely purge the young government of anyone he was suspicious of, regardless of their actual guilt or innocence. Over the next two years he had placed himself as dictator for life and began to implement his grand plans to create racial and societal harmony.

For his entire reign, Francia also prepared for what he saw as an inevitable war against his neighbors. Whether they were the Spanish, Platense, Colombians, or even Portuguese in Brazil, he saw all around him vicious conquerors ready to plunder his country. To push this oncoming horde back, he fostered programs to build up fortifications and conscript much of the young male populace. Among these programs were some of the first attempts to arm, train, and assimilate the local Guaraní people.


Dr. Francia's utopianist schemes made him one of the most infamous dictators of the 19th century.

Ironically, however, Paraguay's ultimate downfall would not come from without, but from within, and by some of the very Guaranís who had been recruited for its defense. Among many of the superstitious natives, who blended their native folklore with Christian theology, Francia had developed a reputation for witchcraft due to his knowledge of astronomy, history, and other arcane topics. The fear he instilled in many people throughout his rule did nothing to quell these rumors. As part of his attempt to assimilate the tribes, Francia had recruited several Guaraní men to act as his personal bodyguards, and either fearing his sorcery or his plan to discard them in the next purge, they came to his private study one night and turned their guns on him. With the head of the snake cut off, and the majority of other capable statesmen either dead or fled, the country devolved into anarchy.

"As time went on [Francia] grew more arbitrary and despotic. Deeply inspired by the French Revolution, he was a stern antagonist of the church. He suppressed the college of theology, did away with the tithes, and inflicted endless indignities on the priests. He kept the aristocracy subjugated and discouraged marriage both in principle and by example, leaving behind several illegitimate children. His short reign of terror can only be defended by a plea of insanity.”

Gabriel Costa, University of San Marcos Press

While all of this occurred, the Portuguese empire continued to look over the region. From Rio de Janeiro, which had remained the imperial seat of power, King João VI sent diplomats and spies alike out to try and get a hold of the situation. The king had a vested interest in the war for a number of reasons. Geopolitically, the area was close to the Brazilian heartland, and so posed a constant risk of causing unrest if violence spilled over from across the border. If any republicans succeeded, it would send a bad precedent for Portugal's own nearby subjects, and provide any Brazilian republican nationalists both moral and material support.

Internally, he also received pressure from various forces in his court. João's wife, Carlota, was a member of the Spanish royalty and the older sister of both Ferdinand and Francisco. Because of her conservative views, she supported the authority of King Ferdinand in Spanish America. Alongside her was José Presas, a Spanish politician who had fled to Rio de Janeiro in the years prior. After Carlota's brother and father were captured by Napoleon, and before her brothers had managed to escape, Presas became the largest supporter for the queen's claim as rightful Spanish regent. Even after Carlos and Francisco made it to America, he continued to argue in her favor. Once the Second Republicano War broke out, Presas became a vocal member of the royal court once again, this time to intervene and annex much of the Rio de la Plata for Portugal. Although Carlota privately supported this move, she never officially backed his position.

Countering their voices in the court was British ambassador Sir Charles Stuart. Since 1814, Stuart had stayed in Rio de Janeiro and kept a close correspondence with the king. Initially, Stuart remained indifferent to the revolution, and it was only when pried that he gave his opinion to remain neutral. Once he received the news that Britain had recognized Colombian independence and had entered the war, however, he became much more forceful on this position. Stuart was deeply concerned over the schemings of Presas and the queen, and made it clear to the king that entering the conflict to support Ferdinand or conquer the region would seriously risk a direct war with the British empire. His case was helped by King João's own suspicion of the pair, whom he suspected of having an affair (due to persistent rumors of Carlota's infidelity and Presas' own unusual closeness to the queen and eagerness to support her). It is because of this that Portugal ultimately stayed out of the revolution, and remained content to simply watch the republicans fall.


King João's court in Rio de Janeiro remained a hotbed of debate even after the king announced his nation's neutrality.

[moxn]

Winning the Fight for Independence

Despite the successes of the war, islands of loyalists continued to exist throughout the continent, especially within New Spain. Many of its frontier regions remained devoted to Spain, since they felt that a new nation wouldn't be able to protect them from the local Indian tribes. Despite the best efforts of General Allende and his men, the Spanish continued to control Guadalajara and Acapulco, two of the most important cities in the viceroyalty.

The loyalists also held on in the Caribbean portion of New Spain. What little of the Colombian navy that existed at the point was still in the Pacific ocean, so the empire was left incapable of touching the lucrative islands. The only exception was in Santo Domingo, where the lieutenant governor joined the Colombian revolution but refused to send any men to fight off of the island, for fear of a Haitian invasion. Just as with the Rio de la Plata, however, British intervention helped to turn the tides.

The first colony to be hit by the British fleet was East Florida. Up until then, the small Floridian outposts remained loyal to Spain like many other frontier regions. However, because many of the garrisoned forces had been called away to fight for General Venegas in the years prior, when the British ships finally arrived in San Agustín the few natives were unable to put up an organized resistance.

The island of Puerto Rico was able to put up a much better defense. Despite this, the British had learned from their mistakes from the last invasion in 1797. The fleet initiated a three-pronged attack, first on San Juan and the Morro fort in the north, then Santiago de Fajardo in the east, and finally on the Las Mareas lagoon in the south. In combination with native Colombian support, the island eventually succumbed to their forces. It did not take long for other small holdings such as Margarita island to follow suit.

By the end of the year, Cuba was the last remaining stronghold in the Caribbean. The British fleet convened from the north and east and expected to overwhelm it just as they had all the others. Their overconfidence came crashing against the Cuban fortifications and were quickly pushed back, however. Because of the concentration of forces on the island, General Venegas was able to mount a highly effective defense. Helping his cause was a cholera outbreak which spread amongst the British ranks and pulled many men out of the fight.

For the Spanish empire, the end of 1820 was the tipping point where the war in America simply became unwinnable. The court in Madrid no longer debated on how to save the empire, but on how much of it they could realistically keep. Although King Ferdinand was loathe to relinquish his control over so much land, the liberal constitutionalists under General O'Donojú had done their best to make the king's wishes irrelevant.

This is not to say that the liberals were eager to recognize Colombian independence themselves. They still envisioned a Spanish empire on which the sun never set, only one which was ruled by enlightened principles instead of absolutist despotism. After the army had taken Madrid and forced the king to accept their reforms, their first priority had been to find a way to appease the rebels and get them to lay down their arms. This was easier said than done, however.

At their core, the Spanish liberals struggled to find common ground with their Colombian peers on several important issues. While the Spanish wished to diminish the role of the Catholic Church, the Colombians continued to enshrine it. Few in Colombia wanted to recognize Ferdinand as their king once again, no matter how much his powers were limited. Probably the most important issue was the matter of local autonomy. The new Spanish constitution created a highly centralized state ruled from Madrid. This went right against Colombian promises of local autonomy and greater amounts of self-rule.

When compromise failed, some in Spain went back to planning a renewed military campaign. However, with the Spanish fleet still not fully recovered from the Napoleonic wars and the British ruling the seas, this plan was quickly shot down. With no victory in sight, the liberals convened in a special session to work out the peace terms. In October of 1820 they sent messages telling the New World loyalists to keep their current positions but end all engagements. Due to the isolation of some royalist pockets, especially in the Andes, the official word to lay down their arms would not come for some time.

Months afterward, Colombian delegates would arrive in London to negotiate the final terms of the peace treaty. These men included Melchor de Talamantes, a secular priest from Lima who had moved to New Spain years before; Bernardino Rivadavia, a native of Buenos Aires who had already been living in London for the past few years as an official diplomat; and José Mariano Michelena, a lawyer and military officer from Valladolid. Antonio Nariño, an intellectual from Bogotá who greatly influenced the beginning of the revolution, was also sent along, but fell ill during the trip and was unable to attend many of the official negotiations due to his slow recovery.


Colombian and Spanish delegates, with British observers present, worked together on the terms of the treaty.

Together, the three (sometimes four) men finalized the Treaty of London with Spain. The outline of the treaty were as follows:

1) With god as their witness, the Spanish recognized Colombian independence and sovereignty. Ferdinand and his heirs or successors renounced all claims to the Colombian throne, and Francisco did likewise for the Spanish throne.

2) All Spanish forces would leave the New World, with the exception of Cuba, which remained a core region of the Spanish empire. Colombia rescinded any claims to the Philippines, Micronesia, or other Asian holdings.

3) Spanish loyalists in Colombia were allowed to either stay or leave the country unmolested. Private property which had already been taken by the state was forfeited, but there would be no future confiscations of loyalist property.

4) Prisoners of war on both sides were released, but property of the Spanish state or army (including slaves) that remained in Colombia was forfeited.

5) Any territories captured by either side after the signing of the treaty would be returned without compensation.

6) All debts contracted on either side would be paid to their lawful creditors.

The signing of the treaty on February 6th, 1821, marked the official end to the war, and would become a minor federal holiday years later.


The end of the war was announced to a crowd gathered in Lima, with similar declarations going out in other major cities.

[moxn]

Map of Colombia in 1821

The territories and internal divisions of Colombia following the Treaty of London in 1821.

[moxn]

Framing the Young Economy

A patriotic fervor spread throughout Colombia once independence and a final peace was announced. For many soldiers, it meant finally returning to their homes and families. Others, particularly those who were younger and with fewer roots, settled in other regions of the empire where they had either fought or traveled through. This initial mixing of soldiers and elites alike from across the empire, combined with the shared jubilation of its great victory, helped ferment early Colombian nationalism. Although their traditions, dialects, and cultures were as varied as the new nation's vast terrain, many of the Colombian people still shared a common language, religion, heritage, and now, a government, for which they had fought together as brothers in arms.

Despite despite planting the seed of nationalism in its people, Colombia would face an uphill battle keeping its disparate regions together. Many of its elites realized this, as they had to travel across large stretches of the nation in order to reach the capital. Although it had just formed, Colombia already rivaled the Russian Empire, and was only a bit smaller than Qing China. It did have one factor working in its favor: the ocean. Much of the behemoth empire hugged the Pacific ocean and Caribbean sea, so travelers, merchants, and soldiers could all move from one end of the nation to the other with much more ease than their Russian or Chinese counterparts.

Relying on the ocean and river systems meant that Colombia needed a proper navy to keep the waters safe and clear. One of the first acts of congress in Mexico City was to pay for the construction of four new frigates: the AIC (Armada del Imperio de Colombia) Santa María, Santa Rosa, Victoria, and Francisco I.


The AIC Santa Rosa, which would help suppress pirates as well as help map out the Pacific islands.

More than just a navy, the empire also needed to invest on land. During the colonial regime, much of the infrastructure was concentrated around the capital cities and a handful of important centers, with large stretches of the land left underdeveloped and used only for raw extraction if it was utilized at all. New roads, bridges, tunnels, and mountain passes all needed to be built and old ones expanded. Canals would have to be dug out in key places, and rivers and harbors dredged to make them more navigable. On top of it all, an entire new city still had to be built to serve as a capital. Even for a wealthy, stable nation, all of these things would not have been easy tasks.

With all of its new plans to try and connect the nation, Colombia ran headlong into its first financial crisis. The government already held a considerable amount of debt from the war, partly owed to foreign creditors in Britain and the United States, and partly to its own soldiers, who accepted government bonds as part of their wages at various times. Simply paying the veterans and making payments to creditors left the national treasury light on money.

It became clear that the minuscule taxes outlined in the Ten Guarantees would not be sustainable. It was hoped that lifting restrictions on trade, development, and foreign investment would cause the economy to rapidly grow and bring in more than enough tax revenue to pay for governance. Although this was true to an extent, it was not the overnight success that had been envisioned. While the solution to this problem was simple on paper, it was not so easy to implement.

For many politicians, land-owners, and merchants, raising tax rates and re-imposing sales taxes was a clear violation of the Guarantees. Plenty of them had been willing to support the revolution based only on the promise of keeping more of their wealth. Some opposed the new taxes not out of greed, but out of principle. If the government already went back on one of its main vows, what would stop it from going back on other portions of the Guarantees such as the freedom of press or of the clergy? Of course, it was quickly pointed out that some minor points of the Guarantees had already been changed or ignored (representatives served six year terms instead of four, were partially assigned by the central government instead of entirely elected, and only gave full suffrage to certain land owners instead of all peninsulares and criollos).

This crisis polarized the early congress and caused it to split between three major factions. The first were the liberals, who somewhat supported the new spending projects, but were mostly concerned with open trade, and so favored raising taxes instead of tariffs. The second were the conservatives, who were mostly indifferent to any new infrastructure spending and resisted new taxes; tariffs would be slightly raised to cover any remaining budget deficit. The third and smallest group were the protectionists, who somewhat fell in the middle of the spectrum. This group held the most ardent support for building new infrastructure in order to help foster local industry. They tended to be skeptical of free trade, since it allowed other nations to swamp Colombian markets with their own goods. Because of this, they pushed for greatly increased tariffs across the board.

All three factions included powerful figures in the Colombian elite. Prime Minister Allende officially supported the liberals, while General Monteverde, whose health was still slowly recovering from the Peruvian campaign, backed the conservatives. The protectionists found patronage under General San Martín, who had settled down in provincial Córdoba distrusted any British influence on the nation, political or economic. These factions served as the bedrock which the first three main political parties would be built on. Each of them expected Emperor Francisco to come out and publicly support one of them, giving them a massive amount of political clout to push their own plans forward. However, the emperor took most of them by surprise and remained neutral. He made it clear that they would all have to squabble it out on their own and find a compromise instead of calling on the throne to suppress the other two side.

A solution eventually came at the start of 1823. The final compromise was born after the conservatives began to fear that the radical liberals would try to tax church property, and so found common ground with the protectionists and moderate liberals. The income tax would double from 5% to 10%, but only with the understanding that it would never rise again. British and liberal influence kept tariffs on goods from Britain low, but those on every other country quickly rose. The government also increased the issuance of low-interest bonds. Many of the most fantastic infrastructure projects were put on hold, with the national budget focusing solely on paying off debts, building the capital, and completing the fleet; only after these three costs went down would other projects be considered. This plan didn't leave any faction completely satisfied, but neither did it leave any of them alienated.

Despite the lack of explosive growth that left many disappointed, there was still considerable economic development in many areas. For centuries, the Spanish maintain strict policies on industry and trade. Now that these regulations were gone, many new entrepreneurs flourished and were finally able to develop portions of the land. Some figures, such as Father Hidalgo, spent much of their lives teaching new trades (from beekeeping to leather making) to the native Indians and Colombians alike as a means of escaping poverty. The new immigration policies also encouraged more European settlers to come and bring their skills with them.

Beyond just its citizens, the land itself also held a great amount of wealth. For centuries the Andes had produced literal mountains of silver, gold, and precious gems. Although many of the largest mines had been nearly tapped dry, others still continued to produce precious metals. Instead of being shipped to Spain, these metals now mostly stayed in the Colombian economy or were exported for useful goods. Valuable crops grew from the land as well, especially sugar, cocoa, tobacco, hemp, and cotton. The most valuable of them turned out not to be a cash crop or food staple, but a tree.


Dutch investors overlook a cinchona plantation in Cuzco province.

Long before Europeans arrived, the Inca and other Andean peoples knew about the medicinal properties of cinchona trees. Its ground up bark was used to treat altitude sickness, act as a muscle relaxant, and more. It's most important use, however, came after the introduction of malaria, one of the Old World's deadliest diseases. Some of the species of cinchona produced the most effective antimalarial drug known for most of history, called quinine. Despite this knowledge spreading among the former Inca, Jesuits, and Spanish authorities, its use remained limited. Its foreign users were almost exclusively upper class, most famously one of Britain's own kings. But now that old economic restrictions were lifting, both demand and production of quinine began to rise. The British and Dutch were the most interested of all, since large parts of their Asian holdings were rife with malaria and other diseases. In the years after independence, quinine became one of the most valuable Colombian exports.

[moxn]

Apr 28, 2017 8:43:26 GMT steve59 said:

Fascinating and things going pretty well for Columbia. Holding most things together and the US envoy may help by being so eager to get land from the empire, hardening a sense of national identity. If this goes far enough that might lead to a decision to end slavery, which would both boost popular support and put a big gulf between it and the southern USians who are the main people seeking land from it.#

A bit surprised Britain took E Florida as it will cause tension with the US, especially given there are likely to be raids across the border between the assorted Seminoles and the assorted American settlers. Also its going to give the US a feeling their surrounded.

Looking forward to seeing where things go from here. Still doubtful such a huge area can be held together by a constitutional monarchy but could make for a hell of a powerful state if it does.

Sorry for the late reply.

Thanks, and having a common enemy will definitely bring a lot of Colombians together. Whether that ends up being the US, Spain again, or someone else... will have to be seen. For now slavery will be left to individual provinces, but I don't know how long that will be able to last. 

I think Britain would have wanted East Florida as a way to put more pressure on the US. The War of 1812 has just concluded, and they don't want the US to get too sure of themselves and try to fight for a third time. Having East Florida will give them another staging ground for any future wars, and also secure the Caribbean better. 

If the nation does indeed stay together, I agree it will be a serious global power. It will not be easy, but at the same time I don't think it impossible either.

[steve59]

May 27, 2017 1:20:16 GMT moxn said:

Apr 28, 2017 8:43:26 GMT steve59 said:

Fascinating and things going pretty well for Columbia. Holding most things together and the US envoy may help by being so eager to get land from the empire, hardening a sense of national identity. If this goes far enough that might lead to a decision to end slavery, which would both boost popular support and put a big gulf between it and the southern USians who are the main people seeking land from it.#

A bit surprised Britain took E Florida as it will cause tension with the US, especially given there are likely to be raids across the border between the assorted Seminoles and the assorted American settlers. Also its going to give the US a feeling their surrounded.

Looking forward to seeing where things go from here. Still doubtful such a huge area can be held together by a constitutional monarchy but could make for a hell of a powerful state if it does.

Sorry for the late reply.

Thanks, and having a common enemy will definitely bring a lot of Colombians together. Whether that ends up being the US, Spain again, or someone else... will have to be seen. For now slavery will be left to individual provinces, but I don't know how long that will be able to last. 

I think Britain would have wanted East Florida as a way to put more pressure on the US. The War of 1812 has just concluded, and they don't want the US to get too sure of themselves and try to fight for a third time. Having East Florida will give them another staging ground for any future wars, and also secure the Caribbean better. 

If the nation does indeed stay together, I agree it will be a serious global power. It will not be easy, but at the same time I don't think it impossible either.

  Just caught up with the updates.  Presuming Columbia does stay together and avoid serious civil war, which is probably likely to occur at some point simply because of the sheer size and diversity of the territory, plus political differences, it will become a great player and could well even supplant the US as the primary power in the Americas. 

  No doubt at various times both the US and the UK will become threats in some way or another, militarily, economically or culturally.  I think now its given up, bar Cuba which might be flooded with loyalists, Spain isn't like to be a realistic threat, although there might be some lingering mistrust, possibly fueled for political reasons as well, as with the US and UK.

  I must admit, having come on the end of the long and very costly Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars the 1812 conflict with the US would probably mean that the UK, hoping for a long period of peace and stability, would probably want to avoid clashing too much with US interests.  However once established this would be a territory Britain would want to keep provided it made a profit from it.  Not sure whether this would occur as I think the best lands were in western Florida and the eastern part, at that time was largely swampy and disease ridden.  It does mean that if there is a later clash with the US it would have to fight on two fronts, although it would find it a lot easier to bring forces to bear against Florida than against Canada.  Also if there is an equivalent of a USCW over slavery then a British east Florida is going to have some big impacts.  Also it does help secure the dominance of the Caribbean as you say.  [Which could be another source of tension between the three powers in the future].

[lordroel]

Fascinating timeline, have to read it more closely in order to comment on it.