Schwarz-Rot-Gold - A Republican Germany TL

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Dear Lord, what a madhouse the world is!

~ Leo Tolstoy

December 30th, 1932


The men quickly rushed into the small apartment building. They went towards the table in the modest dining room. One of them looked through the closed window; everything was black, and only the sounds of footsteps could be heard. “We’re good”.

He returned to the kitchen table. 5 men surrounded it, with an additional 2 taking bringing up additional chairs behind the rest. “I have summoned all of you here tonight to discuss a proposition” spoke Otto Wels. His sharp brown eyes darted around, taking a look at his guests. “Germany is on the brink of total dictatorship. Hitler and the NSDAP have the most seats in the Reichstag. If Hitler can become Chancellor, our democracy will be turned into a dictatorship. I propose we refound the Weimar Coalition against the tyrant Hitler”

“Chairman Wels, using your own words, Hitler would create a dictatorship. There’d be no freedom of speech; God knows what he’d do to an opposition campaign.” replied Ludwig Kaas.

“This is why we need to do this! If it means me or my comrades shot, killed, or imprisoned, so be it. Germany is already in a state of siege. Everyday we do nothing, and combat the rise of Hitler, we get closer to doom!...” he interjected, standing up “...Look around you, Mr. Kaas! He is a threat to the German democracy, and we must fight back!” he slammed his hand against the wooden table, and sat down again.

Silence filled the room, save for the ticking of a clock. Finally, a Zentrum party official spoke “Wh-what would be you plan, for 1933?” he asked, his voice quivering.

“Ah, glad you asked. We would have heavy campaigning in Bavaria, where the Zentrum is most dominant, along with joint campaigning in the Ruhr, Eastern Germany, and Berlin. If we can snatch KPD votes, we can win this.”

“If we were to ally up, when would we announce it?”

“January. We have to do heavy campaigning.”

Silence filled the room, until Wels spoke again. “So, what shall it be?”


Excerpt from Otto Wels’ Speech In Bremen, January 3rd 1933


“...Germany has been divided; under a state of siege. Tensions run high, and food and money low. The end of The Great War and the following years have been difficult ones, but we have powered through. We are Germans! We do not surrender! When Scandinavians brought troops to our doorstep, we rose up! When Napoleon brought his troops to Leipzig, we rose up! We Germans are resilient, and when dark times come, we are like a phoenix from the ashes. When times are dark, we come together. I will not lie to the faces of my countrymen; the last several years in Germany have been dark. We must band together! And this is why 1933 will be a year of change; a year of revolution! In an alliance of the SPD, Zentrum, the German People’s Party, and the German State Party we can take back what was lost! A new era of peace and prosperity will fill Germany! But in order to this, you, the carpenter, the factory worker, the farmer, the worker, the father, the mother, the brother, sister, the countryman need to support and vote for us, to bring us to a new age of peace and prosperity!...”



Events of 1933:


January 5th: The Völkischer Beobachter newspaper publishes Hitler’s New Year’s Address. It talks about how Bolsheviks are a danger to the world and how taking away civil liberties would be the best course of action to fight against leftist influences.


January 6th: The beginning of the election season begins, with state elections in the small rural state of Lippe on the 15th, and the beginning of a Nazi propaganda campaign there. Hitler is determined for this to be a roaring success, showing that he and the NSDAP can win the elections and that the party is not slowing down. Similar to the intentions of the Nazis, the Weimar Coalition (WC) decides to launch a rival campaign of their own.


January 11th: The DNVP demands positions in the Schleicher cabinet, with Alfred Hugenberg as the Minister of Economics. Another right-wing organization, the Reichslandbund also sends demands. This time to President Hindenburg, saying that he should protest the agricultural policies of Chancellor Schleicher. The latter has had his focuses on industry, and Hindenburg obligees, sending to the Chancellor “I request – and as an old soldier, you realise of course that a request is simply a polite form of a command – that your cabinet assemble this evening, prepare laws of the kind we have just discussed, and present them for my signature tomorrow morning.”


January 14th: The DNVP and Hugenberg are still trying to get representation in Chancellor Schleicher’s cabinet, and brings the question up to Hindenburg. Along with that, he suggests a coalition of moderate to right-wing political parties, not permitting Hitler to take the Chancellorship after the elections in March.


Westdeutscher Rundfunk Interview Of January 15th:


Ernst Hardt: “As the year has begun, a new election season has followed along. In March comes the main elections, but, various local elections will happen across the country. The first of these is the election in Lippe, which ended only several hours ago. The votes have been gathered and counted, and given to the government. And with me now, I have the Chairman of Lippe, Mr. Heinrich Drake!”

Heinrich Drake: “Thank you for your warm welcome, Mr. Hardt. The Free State of Lippe has the honor of kickstarting the elections here in Germany. And before I get started, I shall say, this is an important election; go out and vote! But, without further ado, let’s read out the results…”

Results:

WC: 42%

NSDAP: 39.8%

KPD: 13%

DNVP: 5.2%

January 16th: In the Völkischer Beobachter Hitler releases another editorial. In it, it reads “Even though we were defeated in Lippe, we shall rise up! The socialist alliance have used illegal tactics to make us loose. Via bribes, fake votes, and pressuring citizens to vote for them at gunpoint, they have won. But, we will end this socialist plague...”

Meanwhile, Ludwig Kaas refuses to let Zentrum politician Adam Stegerwald join the Schleicher cabinet as Labor Minister, after an invitation sent by the Chancellor. In the rejection letter it read “‘Never with Hugenberg”. The Chancellor threatened to declare a state of emergency, as he and his government are becoming isolated on all sides. President Hindenburg refuses to give the isolated Chancellor his requested powers.

In a bit less than the month, the Second Geneva Naval Conference was to be held, with the main discussions on disarmament. The Federation of German Industries, a merger of several worker interest groups, sent a letter to the War Ministry’s Army Weapons Department, which asks for the German delegation in Geneva to ask and try to negotiate several different terms. Those being Germany has the same powers and freedoms of the European powers and that the German delegation needs to get the approval of the German private industry before passing any legislation.


January 17th: Leaders are choosing sides in Germany. Hugenberg has started to turn against Chancellor Schleicher, as he sees Hitler “without immediate result”. Joseph Goebbels is extremely confident, as in his diary it reads “Through a conference with the District Leaders I ascertain that the party’s morale is excellent again. Also the financial situation has improved all of a sudden.” This could be due to the fact of gaining relations with both Franz von Papen and Hugenberg, the latter who enjoys good relations and ties with heavy industry; an industry where the Nazi party has been trying to gain supporters.


January 18th: In the Prussian Landtag, following the dramatic increase of sackings of liberal and socialist school teachers by Prussian education authorities, now headed by the Nazi war veteran, Fritz Bracht, Professor Wilhelm Nolting gives a speech in the Landtag denouncing such actions in a fervent speech with lines reading “In the wild ravages of the barbarians much lies trampled on the ground, we shall see to it that your movement continues to move, but that it goes downhill... Your power of fascination is gone. You charm neither the bourgeoisie nor the political power complex. Your days of disenchantment have begun. You are in the autumn of your year.”

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Detmold, Lippe, January 18th, 8 PM


Jürgen Stroop looked at the men around him in the storage building. Everyone of them with the signature brownshirt uniform. Brown shirt and pants, a black tie going around their neck. A peaked SA Kepi with a brown strip of leather stretching from one side to another with an eagle and a swastika below that. On their arms with red bands with swastikas. Some more experienced men with shiny medals sitting proudly on their chests. All of them had various types of guns, Lugers, Thompsons, etc.


He looked at his watch. “Alright men” he spoke, the cold made his breath visible. A few men on crates got up, while others got rid of their cigarettes. “You know what to do…”


A brunette woman sat at the receptionists’ desk, her sharp blue eyes duly following the words of a red book. “They’re right, Hitler is full of shit” she said to herself. In the room were a few chairs and couches, with a couple of people lazily reading books and magazines as well. The silence was interrupted by a scream of a woman. She quickly looked up from Mein Kampf to see around a dozen or so brownshirts holding guns. An old man at the far end of the room with a black suit looked directly at the attackers, before they could speak he yelled “I fought in the war you Nazi bastards!” and pulled out a pistol. He pressed the trigger with an unsteady hand and a bullet flew out, in response, one of the brownshirts responded with several bullets from his Thompson, hitting the veteran’s face and chest, leaving a body falling to the floor, oozing of blood.

From behind, another group of a dozen Nazis filled into the room from the bottom floor.

Screaming filled the room. “Shut up or get killed you socialist traitors!” yelled one of the men. “We’re here to meet with the mayor”


Sleet fell from the dark sky upon the now abandoned town market. Small stands with food, goods, etc. flanked either side of the Marktplatz, making it a driving hazard for the panicked and rushed police officers that were organizing a few streets away. The lead police officer leading the operation watched over his men with his greyish-blue eyes. A few more cars came in, this time from a neighboring town.

“Are we going to enter, sir?” asked a police officer, approaching the lead man.

“If only, we need to wait for even backup the lead replied. His greyish-blue eyes looked towards the town hall across the street.

Over the next half hour, there was nothing but awkward silence, as the lead officer ordered a barricade to be constructed, and no sound of movement from the town hall. Finally, a saving grace came, a few cars with soldiers drove in.

“Ah, perfect” the lead officer said, shaking hands with the lead military officer; a man dressed in brown uniform and a woolen cap on top of his head.

“Let’s get started, shall we?” replied the military officer “Good luck”

“Good luck”


A band of a dozen soldiers and policemen broke the main doors to the town hall. Immediately, at the far end of the hallway, bullets started to attack the government forces. At the far end of the hallway there was a small barricade. Behind, were 2 brownshirts operating a machine gun. Bullet after bullet roared from it, one after another, taking down 1 man whilst entering the building. A barrage of bullets, forming a counter-attack against the brownshirts managed to hit both men.

The squad continued, with one man staying back to get the now-ready paramedics outside to take care of the man wounded. Nazi reinforcements showed up, with another 3 entering the lobby. After a small exchange of bullets, the reinforcements were down, while the civilians tried to find cover in the siege.

An officer called for the evacuation of the civilians, who quickly started to get towards the entrance. Out from the corner of the stairs however, came yet another Nazi. “You cowards!” he shouted, as his Thompson launched bullets indiscriminately at the civilian crowd, killing several of the slower civilians. The angered man was knocked down by a police officer behind him. (The entire force divided into 3 different groups of 12)

The now reunited group, (the 3rd and final group of 12 dealt with the bottom floor, via another entrance) continued up the stairs. One room at a time, they continued to take out group after group of Nazis, both with force or simple surrender, until there was no floor left but the attic…

The room was a mess. The old door and windows had wooden planks quickly nailed into it. Papers and dust filled the grimy floor. A lamp flickered on and off with a strong white light coming from it. In the middle was an old wooden desk and a chair. On the desk was a microphone used for radio presenters. Behind it was a an old man, with balding blond hair and sharp blue eyes speaking into it. He had papers in his hands; he could barely read off of it. His hands were shaking, and sweat pierced down his hands.

“I-I w-would l-like t-to t-talk to t-the pe-people of Germany. A l-l-lie t-that t-t-the g-government h-has t-told y-you. A-adolf H-h-Hitler w-was r-right. The e-election w-was a-a sc-sc-scam.” his shaky voice was now being transmitted throughout Germany.

The feel of cold metal against his head got harder. “Keep on going, you bastard!” Jürgen Stroop whispered into his ear. “You don’t want to be shot, do you?”

“F-f-futher m-more.” he took a deep breathe “I have come to tell you, t-that the government is in a plot to get the socialists to win. The Chancellor is a tyrant, and if they w-win, th-they’ll get the Chancellor m-money to l-leave the country”


Suddenly, the door opened with the pieces of wood breaking. “YOU BASTARDS!” yelled Stroop. He pulled the trigger of the pistol, in an instant, the bullet was released and entering the brain of Mayor Emil Peters. Stroop moved the bloodied pistol to try and take aim at the incoming military forces. But, before he could fire another bullet, several bullets from multiple soldiers made their way from their respective guns into the chest of Stroop.

***

January 19th: With the Mayor of Detmold announcing that the elections were a sham, proceeded by the killings of him and another man, later identified as soldier and SS member Jürgen Stroop in a rushed press release by the German military, all on national radio, tensions have severely risen. A large majority of the nation, taking account the accounts of several civilians and soldiers at the press conference, believe that the Mayor of Detmold was forced at gunpoint and that SS troops took over the building. However, many NSDAP supporters have created another theory that the whole event was itself a sham, committed by the government with drug-laced prisoners pretending to be SA members to get more votes for the Weimar Coalition. Many have demanded Adolf Hitler and other high-ranking Nazi officials to explain themselves, but nothing has come out of fruition, as many of the press have been rejected, or attacked by gangs of Nazi supporters.

Former Chancellor Franz von Papen has two meetings, the first with Joachim von Ribbentrop, the determined and charming businessman-turn-soldier-turn-Hitler’s foreign policy adviser, and second with President Hindenburg, on the possibilities of Hitler being chosen as Chancellor.

In the Reichstag, the Steering Committee has postponed the reopening of the parliament to the 31st, giving all parties more maneuvering time to sort themselves out. In another chamber of the building, the Nazis have gone through with the KPD “alliance” which they they have threatened to use for the last year to get out of crises. A statement by the NSDAP against the Lausanne Conference of the year prior is passed with relative ease in Reichstag Committee on Foreign Affairs with votes from the KPD deputies, who have decided to follow the hyper-nationalist and suicidal path of getting revenge of the “crimes” of November 1918, not realizing the major hypocrisy of supporting those who say they themselves made Germany lose the Great War.

In the Berlin Sportpalast Hitler addresses a huge Nazi rally, avoiding the Detmold controversy. Goebbels reports “he is in excellent form”, which is necessary, seeing how Nazi officials are planning a gigantic rally outside of KPD headquarters in Bulow Platz on the 22nd of January. This would be an excellent way to strike confidence into his supporters, and fear into his rivals.

On Berlin streets, a pamphlet by the name of “Red Berlin in Alarm” is circulated to the Berlin working class. The pamphlet is readily anti-Nazi, reading:

“All the week the murderous Hitler gangs have been terrorising, shooting workers. Increasing provocation against the revolutionary Berlin working class is being prepared. On Wednesday [18 January] a troop of Nazi students in uniform appeared outside the Karl Liebknecht House [KPD Party Headquarters] and hurled abuse, under police protection. The Sunday demonstration will be the climax. All Berlin workers are seething. There is a wave of protests in the factories and at the labour exchanges. Berlin is Red. The KPD has 860,000 electors on its lists. Together with the SPD and the ADGB [Federation of German Trade Unions] there is an overwhelming majority against the Nazi terror... Red Berlin, give your answer. Show your strength. Answer the Nazi provocateurs with the stormy mass protest of the entire working class. Comrades in the Reichsbanner, the SPD, the trade unions, form a common fighting front against the common enemy... If the fascist storm-troopers dare strike down a single worker or attack Karl Liebknecht House, every factory in Berlin must be brought to a standstill... Your own mass demonstrations must prevent the provocative Nazi assembly in the Bulow Platz. Everyone to the city centre on Sunday, to the Bulow Platz…”


January 21st: Hugenberg breaks off support of Chancellor Schleicher. By this point, no one really supports him besides Zentrum and parts of the SPD. He has little backing in his country, or the Reichstag. All the while, Hitler and Ribbentrop prepare for their meeting with Hindenburg Jr. and Presidential advisor Otto Meissner tomorrow, with Schleicher not being invited, instead, Wilhelm Frick and Hermann Göring going. But, before any coalition can manage to win over Hindenburg and his associates, they have to win the battle in the streets. SA and Nazi Party co-founder Ernst Röhm and Goebbels are tasked with the job of winning over the working class vote of the Berlin working class, by whipping up anti-communist fervor and frenzy for the “Battle of Berlin” planned for tomorrow. Röhm is bringing in various SA units from around the nation via train and various motor vehicles.

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January 22nd: The day of decision has come. Hours before the demonstration begins, a leaflet is handed out by the KPD, this time not calling for workers to barricade and defend party headquarters. Instead, soft and vague language, with lines such as “defend your interests” and to “protect your life, your party, its Bolshevik Central Committee from the provocative assault of the hirelings of capital”. Hours before the SA attack, workers are advised to “stand prepared” and to use its “mass strength in unity against the wave of fascist terror” The militant and fiery rhetoric of the previous pamphlet has been distinguished with vague and pacifist words.

Crowds gathers outside the Karl Liebknecht Haus, but, it wasn’t the turnout Nazi officials hope for. A KPD observer estimates as low as 14,000 organized outside. And with such low numbers, Berlin workers manage to block the SA from entering the party headquarters. The plan was ill-conceived, every 2 in 3 Berliners either voted for the KPD of SPD in the elections of the year prior. The KPD leadership tries to claim that the workers won a great victory, but it is to no avail. The demonstration was raised not heighten up the prestige of the Nazis, but instead to show to the people negotiating with Hitler and the NSDAP that they have the power to scare off the communists and socialists from taking militant action.


January 23rd: In a sign of protest to fight against the accelerationist and pacifist KPD majority, a dozen KPD MPs and deputies jointly resign, all endorsing the Weimar Coalition. Meanwhile, in Moscow, Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, Vyacheslav Molotov reports to the Soviet Central Committee that “The Soviet Union’s international position must be regarded in the light of the results of the First Five-Year Plan. Germany occupies a special place in our foreign relations. Of all the countries maintaining diplomatic relations with us, we have had and now have the strongest economic connection with Germany. That is no accident. It arises from the interests of the two countries.”



January 24th: Hugenberg and his nationalist movement step up their campaign against Schleicher who they show as a dangerous radical. More political maneuvering occurs today, many officers in the Reichswehr are starting to get speculative of their former commander’s government. While others have made up their minds; they want Hitler. Colonel Walter von Reichenau, the Commander of the 1st East Prussian Military District have exchanged letters with Hitler, talking about how to end Marxism in Germany. Hitler sent a letter to him, proposing a five-point plan on where the Reichswehr and the NSDAP could find common ground:


1. Total destruction of Marxism in all its forms, including the free trade unions (no question, as with Schleicher, of their ‘incorporation into the state’).



2. Inward ‘regeneration’ of Germany.



3. Rearmament.



4. Legal recognition of the Nazi state by the rest of the world.



5. Total involvement of the population in the preparations for war. ‘Social’ militarism.


These beliefs have begun to seduce and bring in younger army officers into the NSDAP camp.

Another round of KPD resignations have come forward, a mix of MPs, deputies, and various state and municipal politicians has resigned, totalling up to 30 in one day. A pamphlet released by a KPD member calls for members of the KPD to give up on the party and to vote for “our only hope - the Weimar Coalition”. Several trade unions have also endorsed the Weimar Coalition, and the WC has begun to step up their campaign in Berlin.


January 25th: Official economic statistics have come out. There has been a slow revival in production in the country, being up by 10% back in September of 1932, yet unemployment is still a chronic issue. Workers without jobs have risen by 193k between the New Year’s Day and January 15th. Things begin to look even more grim, with 13 workers being shot dead by police in a meeting in Dresden. Protesters fill the streets, but lack of unity between the protest leaders prevent the movement from growing.


January 26th: Von Papen and several other Nazi officials meets with Hugenberg and Stalhelm leader Franz Seldte. Von Papen says that the succeeding cabinet will be lead by Hitler, Düsterberg, the most irrelevant of the 3 monarchists reject the offer. While Hugenberg and Seldte agree. The former and Papen both believe that Hitler will be powerless and will become a puppet for the German Aristocracy. If Hitler truly wants to gain power, he needs Hugenberg’s back, due to his connects to both the agrarian and industrial sides of the unstable republic.


January 27th: Crisis hits both the Nazi and government camps.The Reichstag Steering Committee is still upholding the reopening of the Reichstag on the 31st, which will undoubtedly lead to the demise of Chancellor Schleicher. On the other side of the aisle, former German Chief of Staff and Iron Cross recipient Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord warms his fellow military college, President Hindenburg on the consequences of appointing Hitler as Chancellor. “I have no intention whatever of making that Austrian Corporal either Minister of Defence or Chancellor of the Reich”.

Hitler is shaken; after so much effort, it seems like he might not be appointed Chancellor. A meeting is called between Hitler, Papen, and Hugenberg later that night. Meanwhile, other meetings are getting put together. The Weimar Coalition organizes a meeting with major industrialists of Germany, including Gustav Krupp, showing them the instability of the NSDAP and the KPD, and how they would wreck the economy, while the Weimar Coalition would help grow it. One official there recorded in his diary that “It seems like we have convinced some of them. Wels has managed to put his elegance in speech to his advantage, rhapsodizing to them how Germany would crumble under the NSDAP.”

Relocating from the high-rises of Berlin to the streets, internal strife and protests make up the day for the KPD. The humiliation of the 22nd has caused anger amongst many of the workers in Berlin, and a large anti-fascist protest is organized. Pamphleteers fill the streets in the morning hours, preparing for the protest. Meanwhile, back in the KPD headquarters, several officials try to prevent this. This spreads to the streets of Berlin, and when the party officials went onto the Berlin streets later that day, they are quickly attacked by a gang of workers, with 1 getting brutally murdered, and 2 getting seriously injured. Berlin police arrest the several attackers.

The protests still carries on, with several KPD party officials showing up, including Ernst Thälmann himself. Thousands upon thousands of workers, both KPD and SPD leaning, both from Berlin and elsewhere in Germany show up and protest in the bitter cold. This is yet another blow for Hitler, showing that workers can still rise up, even when their party is falling apart.


January 28th: Chancellor Schleicher has given up hope on him continuing his rule. Unable to get a political coalition to support him, with most people at both the government and civilian level giving up on him, he tells President Hindenburg that the only way to get out of the current crisis was to appoint Hitler Chancellor. Hindenburg calls up Papen to discuss what has just occurred and if Hitler is eligible as Chancellor. With a meeting with Ribbentrop yesterday, he energized to convince Hindenburg that Hitler should be the next Chancellor. After the meeting is over, Papen tells Ribbentrop that “‘a turning point has been reached...after a long talk with Hindenburg, he considers Hitler’s Chancellorship possible”

The problem now is Prussia. Hitler is demanding the position of Reich Commissioner, which is currently being held by Fritz Bracht, which Papen, with backing by Hindenburg, also wants to have. Goering is sent in to help mediate, him and Ribbentrop have a “Long talk with Hitler, explaining that a solution depended on trust and that his Chancellorship does not now appear to be impossible.”. Hitler still wants to talk over Prussia, and they schedule a meeting with Papen the next day. In the meantime writes up a list of possible candidates for the future cabinet, and sends it to Hindenburg.


January 29th: Things start to fall apart quickly. Von Papen in a sudden change of heart, sends a letter in the early morning hours of the 29th that he would like to cancel the meeting with Hitler today. A friend of his, recorded in his diary a week later that “After speaking to Fritz today, he told me about his impatience with Hitler. That he realized Hitler couldn’t be controlled, that he was a blood hungry tyrant. I have never seen Fritz like this before.” Later that day, Papen would send a letter to Hindenburg that “I have realized my folly, Hitler is not suited to be Chancellor. He is a tyrant, and will try any means possible to gain power. Even if it risks your life”

Goebbels reports that “Hitler is in worse condition than ever. He has quickly become unstable, and I have tried speaking with in, but to no avail. He will not speak to me or anybody.”

Later that day, KPD Reichstag leader Ernst Torgler asks Party Chairman Ernst Thälmann if the party should declare a state of emergency in the party if Hitler becomes Chancellor. Thälmann replies with: “You are mad. The bourgeoisie won’t let Hitler anywhere near power. Let’s go to Lichtenberg to play skittles.”


January 30th: A letter arrives at the homes of both Hitler and Hugenberg for a private meeting at the Hotel Kaiserhof for dinner that night. At 8 PM, the 3 arrive and the meeting begins. Goebbels records in his diary after speaking with Hitler later that night, “Hitler seems to be ecstatic. He has regained all his energy, talking about the new government - with Hitler as Chancellor and Hugenberg as Vice-Chancellor.” What Hitler didn’t realize, is that Hugenberg and Hindenburg had been there earlier, “discussing how to make Hitler their puppet” one government official said.

While meetings are held in the Berlin night, word spreads throughout the Berlin aristocracy of Von Papen’s sudden change of heart. Telegrams are sent from Berlin to other cities quickly. With one discreet message from a Berlin industrialist reading “Fritz has changed his mind now, meetup in Potsdam?”

This has started to create serious concern amongst the higher-ups, if Hitler is the right choice for Chancellor.


January 31st: At noon, after hours upon hours of buildup where rumors that Hitler would take over in a coup, and the common folk finding out about von Papen’s change of heart, President Paul von Hindenburg swears in Hitler as Chancellor, and Hugenberg as Vice-Chancellor. The President says with emotion “And now gentlemen, forward with God”, and with that, Hitler’s cabinet (mainly composed of the people von Papen sent to Hindenburg) get to work.

The focus right away is to start suppressing the people, and get rid of civil liberties, as the minutes for the first cabinet meeting present: “The Vice-Chancellor [Hugenberg] said that he certainly had no wish to see a general strike. However he saw no way of avoiding the suppression of the KPD. Otherwise one could get no majority in the Reichstag, certainly no two-thirds majority [The needed proportion to pass an Enabling Act]...Reichsminister Goering reported that he had prohibited a demonstration planned for that evening. According to his information, the SPD would not at this time join a general strike. The Social Democrats relied on speeches in the Reichstag. He thought it best to dissolve the Reichstag as soon as possible and have new elections. The Reichschancellor had given his word that the composition of the cabinet would not be altered after the election. The Chancellor confirmed this. The Minister of Labour [Seldte] said there was rejoicing in the ranks of the Stahlhelm over the formation of the present government... In his view, it would be awkward if the first act of the present government was to ban the KPD and precipitate a general strike.”

The rest of the meeting continues with arguments on whether the banning of the KPD would cause major strikes, which is a fair fear, if you're in Hitler’s cabinet. Even with Hitler’s stormtroopers, and the now weakened trade unions, can still pack a punch. Already, this can be seen. Dockworkers have begun protests in the port town town of Hamburg, while other workers have also had their own round of protests in Halle, Mannheim and Düsseldorf, while the centrist Iron Front militia group starts gathering weapons to prepare for emergency.

While meetings are happening in the Reichstag, and workers preparing for all hell breaking loose, stockbrokers in Berlin are off on their lunch break, with the first stock market numbers of the the new Chancellorship. As one stockbroker noted “As we all sat down for lunch and looked at the numbers, a collective sigh came out of all of us; IG Farben, Siemens-Schuckert, Reichsbank, Hamburg-America and North German Lloyd have stagnated or went down a few points”

580 miles away in London, The London Times releases an editorial on the new government in Germany “That Herr Hitler... should be given the chance of showing that he is something more than an orator and agitator was always desirable. Now that the Harzburg Front has been restored, the opportunity has come.” An economist for the Times writes smugly to a coworker in Oxford, responding to the article that “it doesn’t help when one of the main supports of “that Herr Hitler” backs down the day before he gains power”.