Uit De Blauwe: A European South Africa

[clearthor]

This is a TL I started a while ago. The POD is in the early 18th century where the VOC historically had to decide on the labour policies of the Cape Colony, namely should they prioritize importation of slaves or should they import settlers from Europe. Historically the former was chosen, but the massive butterflies that the latter would have caused is really interesting if you think of Canada's and Australia's influence on the world stage today. So instead of having a modern-ish nation with an oppressive minority regime, you have something on the level of other Commonwealth nations but at the tip of Africa, with one catch; the Dutch control it and receive the benefits thereof.

Do note that since this is a TL occurring mostly in the pre-20th century, during colonial times, one must view it in that context.

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"Maurits Pasques de Chavonnes (1654–8 September 1724) was governor of the Cape of Good Hope from 1714 till 1721."

Part 1: Free Families From The Fatherland



Three centuries ago, on 24 June 1716, a very important letter arrived from Amsterdam in Cape Town; a letter that would change the future of what would become South Africa. Written by the Board of the Dutch East India Company, the letter requested the Council of Policy in Cape Town to reflect on the economic needs of the still small and fragile colonial settlement. In particular, the Board wanted to know whether the Council of Policy would recommend more European immigration to the Cape or whether an increase in slave arrivals would be preferred.

Seven members of the Council responded. Six members recommended that slavery was the better choice. The reason was simple: slaves could supply cheaper labour than European wage labourers. And because all agricultural output had to be sold to the Company stores in Cape Town, cheap labour meant that the Company could pay farmers less for their produce, allowing the Company to make a very decent return when reselling the produce to passing ships.

One member of the Council of Policy, however, disagreed. Dominique Marius Pasques de Chavonnes, not to be confused with the then governor of the Cape Colony, Maurits Pasques de Chavonnes.

“We should encourage more European immigration.” He half-shouted beneath the agreeing voices of the other six. The forty-one year old seemed to have a slightly annoyed expression spread across his face as the others slowly noticed his singular disapproval.

“The company’s interests come before charity Dominique.” One of them shot back. “We cannot burden ourselves with paying more for produce, managing the burghers and making this port even more of a liability. A man in your position should realise that. Slaves are the logical choice.”

“Oh, I very well do realise that slaves are cost effective as they provide gratis hands to toil in the fields, however, the short-term benefit of the few shall surely be outweighed by the returns of a long-term investment for the many.” Dominique stood up from the wooden table and almost seemed like he wanted to leave the room. Before continuing:

“Free men have an incentive to invent while slaves do not”, he said, pre-empting what Adam Smith would write in his Wealth of Nations half a century later.

One of the men let out an obnoxiously loud sigh to this reasoning and leaned back in his wooden chair. Dominique turned his gaze onto him and with a rather reluctant expression the member felt obliged to voice what was making him uncomfortable. “That may be true Dominique but we don’t need our workers to take any sort of “initiative”, we want them to produce what is expected of them. We already have a serious problem with the free burghers going beyond the borders of the port and avoiding taxes, more free-men will only worsen the situation and raise costs.”

Dominique sank back into his chair and remained silent for a few moments. “Via a foolish counting of heads this council will over-rule reason in favour of frugality. But what is to be expected of the Dutch?” he thought to himself.

He gave each member a panning stare as they sat back in unison against his proposal. The rectangular wooden table felt like a triangle with Dominique at the point and the rest of the council of policy on the adjacent side. Dominique was about to concede and even unknowingly stood up and walked over to the door leading to the fort courtyard.

But he couldn’t get himself to leave the room right away. He turned from the door and faced the council again.

“Go for a walk outside. This “port” is roughly the same size as the Fatherland, yet it is almost empty. Many of the Hottentots have left their heathen ways and have been baptised in the name of Christ. There is much more to be gained from increasing our land assets and importing skilled labour rather than more heathen hands.”

Another interrupted. “Ha!, so instead of slaves you want land is it? I won’t be stopping you from buying yourself a nice cottage back in Holland. You can indulge in your aristocratic fantasies then, but here we’re focused on finance, not artistic delusions. It’s either that or you seem to want to run a charity. In which case, the Church could be your calling!” The council let out chuckles as Dominique left the room.



A few hours later Dominique and another man returned to find the council sipping wine.

“Look, it’s the Governor gentlemen.” One member of the council blurted out at which point everyone realised that Dominique had brought the ageing Governor, a general from the recent war with France, to the council room. Maurits Pasques de Chavonnes.

Everyone greeted him but some were still wondering why he was bothering the council.

“I see the council has now decided on the policy for drinking up the wine!” The old military leader joked to the six seated men. Dominique did not laugh as he stood beside him.

“But in all seriousness, I heard from Dominique that you are having trouble deciding about immigration and labour management.” The general had a twinkle in his eye and a sly aura surrounding his demeanour. The council, save for Dominique, seemed visibly confused.

“We can assure you there is zero trouble. One Councilman said. “We have unanimously decided to import more slaves. “We will prepare a letter to be sent back to Amsterdam in the coming days.”

Maurits had a slight smirk that disappeared when these words were uttered. The old general looked over to Dominique for a few moments. Dominique did not utter a word.

The Governor continued. “I said you’re having trouble because I thought you’d be making the wrong decision, and it seems to be true.” The old general grabbed a glass from the table.

A councilman shot back. “Governor, I must voice my disapproval at you meddling in the council’s affairs after being mislead by a dissenting member. Please understand that anything Dominique has told you about importing more expensive and disobedient burghers will result in a decline in order and economic well-being of this station, which is your duty to uphold.” The councilman had a sharp tone in his voice and was obviously annoyed at the disruption.

The General was not moved. “He told me nothing of the sort, all he explained to me was what you were discussing, that you weren’t all in agreement, and that it would be good to hear my input, my advice.” The general poured himself a glass and took a sip. “I understand your frugality worries but honestly, an army based on discipline and skill rather than sheer cheap manpower is ideal.”

“This is a company, not a regiment.” Someone replied.

“I knew you’d say that, but I plead with you to hear me out. Beyond the Breede river lies more fertile land, very much in fact according to reports from a few months ago. However, slaves cannot build, they can only do what is instructed of them, they are an unruly and irregular regiment, almost useless on the battlefield. Forgive my use of metaphors, but you all get my meaning.”

He waited for an approving silence to allow him to continue.

“The slaves will give us more cheap labour, yes, but we will still produce relatively the same amount of food and wine, even though it may be “cheaper”. The prosperity of the station does not increase, not much more food is produced than before, only more cheaply as we only have so many farms that we can manage at the moment.”

At this remark, Dominique could be seen smiling at how attentively the council was listening.

The general continued. “It’s like having a cannon, no matter how many cannonballs you have, a cannon can only shoot so many balls in a given time span. I would rather be issued more cannons than simply more cannonballs."

“Please stop with the metaphors.” One member moaned.

“Okay, I’ll get to the point.” The general said. “We can expand the amount of farms and increase our food output. The increase in overall output would lower the price of agricultural produce, rather than just needlessly importing cheaper labour with output not really increasing. All you get is the same amount of goods at a cheaper price, while if we were to expand our borders with settlers from the fatherland, output would increase in unison with a decrease in price due to the larger abundance of produce.”

The general’s glass was now empty as he finished explaining. He gestured for a councilman to pour more wine for him. As he poured, the others seemed to have nothing to add except one. Surprisingly, Dominique.

“But with short-run costs in mind, Governor, where would we find more workers at an financially effective rate?” He asked.

The general seemed to light up, almost knocking over his wine. “Easy! What haunts my conscious is the knowledge of those families left without a husband or father since the end of the war. When I lead my men into battle, I lead them with the idea that this was for their families, their King, and that this was a cause worth obediently offering your life for. Their families are without a doubt going through hard times now, absent a working male.”

“Then it is settled” Dominique replied. And the council reluctantly agreed with the Governor’s reasoning. One member of the council leaned over to another and whispered in a cheeky tone. "These Frenchmen will surely lead us to bankruptcy."

Months later a letter found itself at the Board of the VOC, and it was this letter, detailing the need for European immigration, mostly from unemployed soldiers or widowed families for the need of expanding the Cape’s farming output, that would influence Southern Africa’s future for the coming centuries.


"De Tafelbaai by Aernout Smit, 1683"

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Several chapters have already been finished (though this TL itself is FAR from finished), and I will be posting them soon. Speculation and comments are very welcome.

[steve59]

This could be very interesting. If there is still a French Revolution/Napoleonic type period I could see the Cape colony becoming the home of a government in exile, which would further increase its importance. Also if it stayed an ally of Britain, presuming Britain still emerges as the primary naval power, it would gain security and probably control of the other Dutch colonies rather than Britain having to occupy them to keep them out of French control. As such you have more stability for them and possibly keeping both Ceylon and Malaya in the Dutch sphere as well as possibly gaining some French and Spanish possessions.

In the longer run their likely to be lost to decolonisation in the modern era but S Africa could well become a great power in its own state. Going to have to depossess a lot of the Bantu to build up to the OTL borders or beyond unless it accepts a large non-white population. However as the US shows that is possible if the settlers and government are determined enough. Likely to be some slavery at some point simply because of the culture of the time and the availability of a local population that can be conquered and enslaved but a core of white settlers staying the majority could be a possibility. Its going to be bloody through.

[clearthor]

"Cape Town City Hall"

Part 2: Expansion, Growth and Prosperity

Maurits Pasques de Chavonnes not only had a hand in convincing the council to expand the burgher population and borders of the Cape Colony, he also for the first time in the Cape's history allowed soldiers to wear uniforms and drafted instructions for the use of weapons and ammunition. De Chavonnes also instituted grazing licenses for the Cape stock farmers: in July 1714 he decided that "every person that has the requirement for grazing on any land shall request permission, and for recognition shall pay a semi-annual fee of six or an annual fee of twelve Dutch rijksdaalder to the Company". Furthermore, the farmers had to pay tithes of all their harvests to the Dutch East India Company. He contributed to the development of the Cape and was promoted to Justice of India in 1721.

His military innovations included the organisation of so-called Free Black and Asian citizens in Table Valley into a military unit called Companie Vryswarten (Company Free Blacks) in 1722 under the command of their own officers. This company, together with others, took turns in the night watch of the company's barracks.

He died on 8 September 1724 in the Cape, aged 70, after a day's illness and was buried with military honours on 14 September.


Prior to the immigration reforms instigated in the early 18th century, the Cape had a net European immigration rate of a little more than 10 persons a year, consisting mostly of employees of the VOC. The colonists were differentiated into three primary groups. That being the townsmen of the De Kaap, the grain and wine farmers of the Berg river valley beyond the natural barrier of the sandy Cape Flats and finally the cattle farmers, or trekboers, notorious tax evaders constantly pushing the frontier and starting trouble with the ever diminishing Hottentots and Bushmen. The townsmen consisted of company officials, free burghers and slaves. There were shopkeepers, butchers, fishmongers, carpenters, builders, brick-makers and market gardeners. Free settlers numbered about 2 300 along with more than 1 000 company officials in the year 1720. Meanwhile slaves numbered just under 1 800.

The Hottentots, who were pastoral farmers and bushmen, who were hunter-gatherers, numbered between 13 000 to 15 000 in 1720, but subsequent outbreaks of smallpox as a direct result of the European settlement devastated their populations in the coming years and their tribal structures fell apart. Many converted to Christianity to become official burghers under the VOC and work the farms of the European settlers as labourers, supplementing the slave population that consisted primarily of peoples from the Dutch East Indies, Madagascar and Angola.

The sudden increase in European immigration caused a shift in the demographic make-up of the colony. With immigrants arriving from the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, France and even parts of Scandinavia. Within the core borders of the Cape Colony, slaves and natives eventually inter-bred with the arriving Europeans, and by the end of the 18th century, had become almost indistinguishable from the rest of the population, save for perhaps slightly darker complexions.
The rapid expansion of the Cape Colony’s population, growing from a little more than 5000 in 1720 to over 30 000 by 1754, pushed the borders beyond the Breede river. This growth was helped in turn by immigration and high birth rates.

Contact with the Xhosa was made as early as 1739 by European cattle farmers, or trekboers. These farmers moved eastward up the coast and encountered the Xhosa in the region of the Great Fish River. The Xhosa were already established in the area and herded cattle. Competition for land ensued almost immediately. The First Xhosa War broke out in 1746 between trekboers and the Xhosa. This led to the trekboers capturing a large number of cattle from the Xhosa and claiming to have driven them out of Zuurveld, a district between the Great Fish and the Sundays Rivers, by July 1751.

The second war in 1759 involved a larger territory. It started when the Gqunukhwebe clans of the Xhosa started to penetrate back into the Zuurveld. Some trekboers allied themselves with Ndlambe clan to repel the Gqunukhwebe. Panic ensued and farms were abandoned.

The third and final war started in January 1765 with a Xhosa rebellion that was soon utterly crushed. Discontented Hottentots had revolted, joined with the Xhosa in the Zuurveld, and started attacking European farms. Commandos from Graaff-Reinet and Swellendam were sent in with orders to pacify the Xhosa once and for all as revenge for the attacked farms. The Xhosa armies were completely destroyed in subsequent clashes with the 1 000 strong commandos. They made use of laager (a cirlce of wagons) formations as a means to fire on advancing Xhosa from a safe position. They went on to cross the Great Fish river and march up to the Kei, dispersing entire villages and seizing cattle from the Xhosa. They would briefly resupply near the port town of Die Baai [Port Elizabeth] and then return to wreck havoc on the Xhosa. By 1769, not a single Xhosa village was left inhabited between the Kei and Great Fish rivers. Bisho, the de facto “capital” of one of the larger encroaching clans, was burned to the ground in 1767. An area roughly the size of Belgium was wiped clean of the Xhosa.
There was never more raiding attempts made by the Xhosa thereafter. A peace was agreed upon in 1770.

Various towns sprung up along the coast as the Cape farms expanded, and the frontier was being continually pushed as the trekboers attempted to avoid taxes in pursuit of their pastoral way of life.

By 1795, the population of the colony numbered over 100 000 (not counting the trekboers, who couldn’t be counted very well due to their lack of tax records), and the border stretched from the Atlantic coast to the Kei river. Nearly half of the population resided in Cape Town, which had become the most developed colonial settlement outside of the Americas. The economy was based on grain, wine, sheep, cattle and ostrich farming. Cape Town also profited immensely from the passing of ships on their way from Europe to India and South East Asia. The trekboers lust for freedom could never be satisfied and by the start of the 19th century they had already crossed the Orange river.

Trouble was brewing elsewhere however.

In the winter of 1794, French soldiers invaded the Netherlands and captured Amsterdam. The French National Convention reconstituted the Dutch Republic into a revolutionary client state named the Batavian Republic. The Stadtholder, William of Orange, fled to Britain. There he issued the Kew Letters instructing his colonial governors to cooperate with British occupation forces. At the urging of Sir Francis Baring, the Secretary of State for War Henry Dundas authorized a mission to ensure control of the Cape Colony and eliminate the potential threat it posed to the East Indian trade. The Admiralty sent two battle squadrons to the Cape on 3 April 1795, one under Vice-Admiral Sir George Keith Elphinstone and the other under Commodore John Blankett, carrying an expeditionary force of around 2 500 soldiers under Major-General Sir James Henry Craig. A larger force under General Alured Clarke, numbering a bit more than 7 000, was instructed to follow these squadrons on 15 May with troops and supplies for a longer campaign, with orders to hold at Salvador until requested.

On the morning of the 10th of June 1795, ships were slowly appearing on the horizon. These ships did not have the intention of landing for resupply on the route to India, neither were they filled with hopeful immigrants. These ships had with them a force of British regulars bolstered by artillery with the intention to capture and occupy the port city of Cape Town.


The door swung open in the office of the then Governor of the Cape, Abraham Josias Sluysken. He was seated in his desk writing a letter but was slightly startled by the sudden entrance of what seemed to be an unfamiliar company official. “Yes, what is it?” he asked the man standing in the door. He was breathing heavily, like he had been running.

Catching his breath for a moment, the official finally spoke.“Governor, a fleet of British ships have been spotted coming from the North near Robben island, it is believed they intend to land.” He said these last words with wide and fearful eyes.

The Governor was silent for a few moments, processing what he just heard.

“Ready the garrison, and may God be with us.”


"Flag of the Batavian Republic"

[clearthor]

"Battle of Muizenberg Artist's Painting"

Part 3: Carpet Laid In Blood And Iron

Vice-Admiral Sir George Keith Elphinstone was enjoying the view of Table Mountain from aboard one of the ship’s decks. The enchanting slopes and mystique of the mountain, almost appearing to hug the city in it’s earthy embrace, was a magnificent sight. The clouds tumbling down across the edges looked like a woolen coat. Fitting, since it was quite cold this morning. He for a moment forgot season’s switch between the hemispheres. He could also see Robben island towards the West, a flat brownish green rock with smoke rising from it’s few dwellers fire places. Kaapstad itself was quite large, it looked almost like a small Mediterranean city.

“Admiral Sir” a crew-member sounded off behind him. He was quickly lulled out of his daydreaming and, maintaining his rigid aura, turned to the crewman.

“Status report I presume?” he answered. “Tell me everything the scouts have been able to find out. We’ll need to think of a landing strategy soon, no point in endlessly circling with the dangerous storms in the area, or making ourselves targets for possible French reinforcements.”

“Yes Admiral.” The crewman began: “The Colony, at least within this area, is administered from two towns, the larger Kaapstad on the wide Table Bay facing North-West and the smaller Simonstad, on the False Bay, facing South. The Western coast is notoriously dangerous with winds, currents and rocks posing considerable threats to landing attempts made from there. According to locals we questioned, there could be a Dutch garrison of up to 5 000 regulars, but they also seemed to be supplemented by a local militia of an undetermined size. The garrison is primarily centred on a fort slightly inland across Table Bay. There also seems to be a series of much smaller fortifications which protects the rest of Table Bay. False Bay is reported as being more weakly defended, covered by only two lightly armed batteries.”

The Admiral nodded his head in a slow attentive manner before speaking. “Their defences grant them a strong bargaining position. Hopefully they will be able to listen to reason if we offer them an alliance against the French. Go get me some paper and ink so that I can prepare a letter for their governor.”

The crewman followed the order and quickly made his way below deck.


Sometime later, after inspecting the garrison for the second time in a week, Governor Abraham Josias Sluysken was anticipating possible British landing areas.

The garrison was admittedly disheartened and confused with the sudden change in allegiance from Britain to France, some wondered if the colony should take the opportunity to rid themselves of the VOC altogether, the VOC not being very popular due to their often overbearing taxes on produce and regulation in the local market. Such talks were quickly put down in Kaapstad and surrounding areas where power could be projected, but beyond the Cape mountains the districts of Swellendam and Graaff-Reinet have already rebelled, taking advantage of the sudden power vacuum since the occupation of the Fatherland by the French.

The British would most likely not land further north in fear of being picked off or running out of supply due to the lack of larger towns in that area. Kaapstad was very well defended, and the western coast was known to be treacherous. The British will most likely attempt to land at Simonstad and march across the sandy flats towards the city.

He lifted up his chin in a moment of self-admiration. With his eye on defence in the case of a possible, and at this moment ironic, French attack, Sluysken commissioned the construction of a few small forts at Simonstad in 1794. He doesn’t expect them to hold a committed invasion force for long, but it might delay the British advance long enough for Simonstad to be evacuated and razed. They cannot compete with the British on the sea or in an open-field battle, but they can possibly win a war of attrition if the British run out of supplies before reaching Kaapstad or if French forces arrive.

His gaze turned to an opened letter that lay across his desk. It arrived a few hours ago and came straight from the British Admiral. The content of the letter asks of him to relinquish control of Kaapstad to the British for “temporary safe-keeping” against the French. However, past the confusion of war and diplomacy, his loyalty lay with the VOC in Amsterdam, and they were being ruled under a government allied to the French. He would be no better than the rebels to the East if he disobeyed his superiors.

“I have 4 348 soldiers, and I could gather possibly around 3 000 militia in the coming days” he thought out loud. He also possessed 20 field cannons but his soldiers were not very well trained in their use.

He continued to prepare his forces as well as he could before making his way to Simonstad.


Major-General Sir James Henry Craig had long suspected Simonstad as a conspicuous choke-point and urged Blankett and Elphinstone to allow a landing to commence as it would take too long to wait for the reinforcements from General Alured Clarke to arrive before the Dutch could sabotage or set up heavy defenses in the town.

Craig landed 2 500 soldiers and Royal Marines on 14 July, who occupied Simonstad while the Dutch withdrew to the pass at Muizenberg, through which passed the road to Kaapstad.

For the next month the two armies observed an uneasy truce, broken by occasional patrols and sniping. During this period, Elphinstone and Sluysken continued negotiations for the surrender of the colony. These negotiations were stalled by disputes in the colonial government regarding the legitimacy of the deposed William of Orange and suspicion concerning British intentions. While the debates continued, British envoys were permitted free movement in Kaapstad, making more detailed observations of the defences.

Elphinstone became concerned that the Dutch positions were too strong for his forces to overwhelm, and on 19 June he sent HMS Sphinx to request assistance from Clarke's fleet. On 7 August, with negotiations stalled, Elphinstone ordered an attack on the pass at Muizenberg. Craig's forces were supplemented with 1,000 sailors from Elphinstone's squadron redeployed on land under Captains Temple Hardy and John William Spranger. Among this force were a number of American citizens who immediately deserted to the Dutch and were promised repatriation.

At noon on 7 August HMS America, HMS Stately, HMS Echo and HMS Rattlesnake opened fire on Dutch forward positions. Return fire from Dutch field guns killed eight men on America and wounded twelve more, but Craig's troops were able to advance against the Dutch positions and seize them, the Dutch defenders falling back in confusion. A second attack by soldiers of the 78th captured a rocky height nearby and a Dutch counterattack the following morning was driven off by Hardy's sailors and marines.

The Dutch fell back to Wynberg, but British forces were not strong enough to advance, suffering shortages of food and ammunition. Elphinstone's positions were however improved by reinforcements, which arrived in the Arniston on 9 August, as well as disorganisation in the Dutch command resulting in stalemate. The British commander subsequently authorised the seizure of five Dutch East Indiamen merchant ships at anchor at Simonstad on 18 August. Skirmishing continued throughout the month, with stronger Dutch attacks on 1 and 2 September followed by a larger planned assault on Simonstad on 3 September in which Sluysken committed all his reserves including 20 field cannon. That morning however 14 East India Company ships were seen arriving in Simonstad and the attack was cancelled.

These ships were the reinforcement fleet under Clarke who landed 7 000 troops, from the 78th, 93rd and 98th Regiments of Foot and a unit from Saint Helena, at Simonstad for an overland campaign against Kaapstad. Clarke's army then advanced against Dutch soldiers losing 127 killed and 268 wounded in skirmishes. To support this operation, Elphinstone sent America, Rattlesnake, Echo and the Indiaman Bombay Castle to blockade Kaapstad and provide artillery support.

Outnumbered and surrounded, Sluysken requested a 48-hour truce from Clarke, but was given a 24-hour ultimatum to surrender. With no alternative, the Dutch governor passed control of his colony to the British on 15 September 1795, although he allowed approximately 40 British deserters in Kaapstad, mostly impressed Americans, to escape into the countryside before the deadline passed.

Sluysken returned to the Netherlands on 12 November and would never come back.

On the 14 of April the following year, a new chapter for the Dutch colony would begin with the arrival of a ship in Table Bay carrying non-other than the son of the Stadtholder of the former Dutch Republic, Willem Frederik, Prince of Orange-Nassau.


"Willem Frederik, Prince of Orange-Nassau."

[clearthor]

"Geopolitical status of the Cape Colony directly after British occupation of Kaapstadt"

Part 4: Revolution, Reconciliation, Realisation

George Macartney was awaiting the Prince near the harbour at Table Bay. Lord Macartney was glad he’d soon be leaving. He was requested to assist with the proposed plan to send an attacking force from the Cape under Major-General J.H. Craig to the South West coast of Spanish America by way of the British colony in New South Wales. Prince Willem was to manage the Cape as the intern governor in his absence, and also resolve the rather unfortunate status of the rebels to the East.

British troops had been sent to Swellendam and Graaff-Reinet to restore order, only to return decimated by sniping and skirmishes with local farmers along the way. Several men had been captured by the rebels. The leaders of the self-styled “Boer Republics” had refused negotiation for their release due to their distrust of the British, especially after the seizure Kaapstad. They have said they will only negotiate if addressed by “fellow Dutch-men, not British uitlanders”. They had in the meantime pledged allegiance to the Batavian government and France in the hopes of being protected.

More soldiers could not be spared as they were needed elsewhere, it would be better to simply install a garrison to protect from rebel encroachment or uprising from the local Dutch populace, but preferably the rebels needed to be put to heel.


Prince Willem commanded the troops that took part in the Flanders Campaign. However, the French armies proved too strong, and the allied leadership too inept, and the allies were defeated. In many places Dutch revolutionaries took over the local government. After the Batavian Revolution in Amsterdam on 18 January 1795 the Stadtholder (Willem’s father) decided to flee to Britain, and his sons accompanied him.

Then, Willem found himself in one of the VOC’s former possessions, and a place that had been the known destination of migrant farmers, depressed artisans, hopeful freelancers and other lowly folk.

To his surprise, however, the city of Kaapstad appeared well run, humble and orderly. Ships of various sizes and trades were docked in the harbour and in the distance he could see others that had already departed, perhaps on their way to the East Indies. The city itself appeared decently sized for a large colonial settlement, but had no architectural wonders of note. Many small rectangular white cottages with thatched roofs dotted the north western coast leading towards the city, and beyond the horizon worked fields could just slightly be made out along slowly ascending slopes. The residential buildings in Kaapstad being more of the same but slightly larger and sometimes, it appeared, with two stories. Government and public buildings had proper clay roofs and well-made sandstone walls and were present here and there. A church tower could be seen in the distance and there were most likely smaller chapels. The small city was also within the shadow of a glorious sight, an enormous and awe-inspiring mountain with a flat-topped peak.


Willem was received by Lord Macartney shortly thereafter and was told of the then current situation. Hermanus Steyn was the leader of Swellendam, residing in the town of the same name across the Breede river. Even further in the far flung eastern districts and quite a distance inland resided the other rebel leader Adriaan van Jaarsveld in Graaff-Reinet.

“They wish to negotiate only with authorities of the Netherlands or the French and shoot any others on sight.” George explained to Willem.

The Prince seemed visibly intrigued by the description of the republics. “Well, it seems the British army has been bested by mobs of farmers, they must be impressed with themselves.”

“They have, admittedly, become a thorn at our side. We have sent a letter to them both telling of your arrival, but we have yet to receive responses. They must think we’re mad when of all Dutch-men in the world we say we’ll bring the Prince of Orange-Nassau.” Lord Macartney's face spread into a wide and wrinkly grin.

“Hopefully the silence is a sign of their contentment with the sudden change of events” Willem responded.


Soon George Macartney would make his way to New South Wales, leaving Prince Willem as the sole authority in the Cape. He did not intend to stay for very long. He wished to return to Europe and continue leading his men into battle against the French, but firstly he would have to make sure these other “revolutionaries” were put down.

He made his way by carriage to Swellendam. Against advice from the British garrison, he refused military escort as to not attract attention from would-be attackers. There was a single cobbled road that led to this farming district town. The Prince left during the late afternoon.

As he neared the edge of the Cape flats the earth suddenly rose up into a fascinating range of mountains as he reached the town of Stellenbosch. This was the second oldest town in the region he had heard. It had delightful gardens and many oak trees planted around its buildings. Passing the mountains, he was met by a beautiful scene of vineyards growing along the gargantuan slopes near Franshoek, an area of heavy French settlement. It was nearing evening so he stayed the night in a local inn.

Early the following morning, he continued over the pass which opened up into the Overberg farming valley. “It’s a shame I haven’t travelled here sooner, I suspected the colony to be poorly maintained, but it is quite developed actually, not far off from the Dutch country-side, save for the mountains.”

He travelled along the Sonderend river and by late evening reached Swellendam.

At first the town was obviously in disbelief. It was like a fairy-tale story to be told that an aristocrat, much more the heir to the Republic of the Netherlands, was walking among their modest farmhouses. “President” Hermanus Steyn was immediately woken up and told of the news. He came out laughing, not in disbelief, but more in shock.

“We’re sorry, we don’t have a castle for you to stay in, but I hope a warm fire will suffice!” Steyn told the Prince.

Talks began almost immediately. Prince Willem asked for the immediate release of the captured British soldiers, a demand to which the President quickly, and almost in a rather obedient manner, complied. “A friendly gesture or a diplomatic strategy?” The Prince wondered.

The greater issue, however, was the diplomatic status of the two rebelling districts. Hermanus Steyn was not shy to voice his and the local burghers frustration with VOC administration of the past few years. Smarting under the hardship of the VOC, the burghers had, under the leadership of their presidents, expelled their respective Landdrostse and proclaimed independent “Boere Republieke” requesting guardianship and recognition from the new government in the Batavian Republic and France. This obviously did not sit well with Willem and the rest of the Dutch nobility, as they had been forced into exile by the Amsterdam revolution, making these republics enemies of the coalition and a serious threat to the integrity of allied control of the Cape as well as the critical route to India and the rest of the East Indies.

Willem inquired about life under the VOC, which, by this point in time, had become weighed down by corruption and was rumoured to be nearing bankruptcy. Hermanus Steyn began to unfold a long list of taxes, regulations and other forms of, as the president described it, “economic and livelihood strangulation”. The Prince was, in a word, disdainful of the dealings he was being told of that was being done by this company, he understood the president's frustration.

However, the winds of revolution had already cost him and his family their realm in Europe, and he was going to make sure not to leave this diplomatic engagement empty handed.

“The revolution won’t last.” The Prince warned. “If you continue to hold allegiance with France and the Batavians, you, and Adriaan van Jaarsveld, will find yourself alone and a target to the coalition forces once we have untied our hands. Most likely the British.”

President Steyn contemplated the Prince’s words for a brief moment before shooting back. “And? What do you expect of me to say now? Should I get down onto my knees like a humble little servant and pray to God for your fortune and good-health? Don’t make me laugh. We do not wish to be ruled by tyrants, be they devils swallowed by greed or blue-blooded aristocrats such as yourself. I serve God the almighty, first and foremost.”

Prince Willem straightened up his posture and looked the president straight in the eye. “Call me what you want, but I’ve seen the reality of what is coming your way in a matter of years. You might be able to handle rag-tag patrols of soldiers, but you have no idea what the British are actually capable of, and they will not be so kind once they begin concentrated efforts to capture you and lock you up in the dungeon of the Kasteel of Kaapstad and execute you for treason. There is no point to all of this.”

“Freedom for me and my fellow burghers is a cause for which I am willing to die for. I say this in the name of God” Steyn whispered those last words with an aura of conviction, his eyes were visibly shining.

Willem collected himself before continuing. “You don’t need to die for ideals if there are ways to achieve your goals without falling on your sword. It would perhaps have been “honourable” if me and my father perished defending Amsterdam from the revolt, but it would have achieved nothing. Now look where I am. I am at the only civilised tip of a dark continent, a small outpost, speaking to the only subjects I have left, and under British guard, not my own. But I do not trouble my conscious with power I can no longer project, be it through military or other forms. The power I still have, the power I retained by going into exile and not dying, was my influence and God-given authority over my land and my people.”

Steyn interrupted “Well, with that in mind, do you have to authority to ensure the reform of tax laws under the VOC?”

“Believe me, if we are able to recapture the fatherland from the revolutionaries, you won’t have to worry about the VOC anymore. I have a strong feeling they will collapse under their own weight very soon. The tax policies will be altered or even abolished. It seems reasonable if they are as oppressive as you described and, of course, if it means you will revoke your allegiance to the revolution in favour of the coalition and your rightful Stadtholder.”

President Hermanus Steyn looked very carefully at Willem as he said these words, perhaps he wanted to see if there were any indications that the Prince was lying. He could, however, not notice any such signs from the him. “That is, perhaps, the first thing you have said tonight that I wholeheartedly agree with” the president said as his face lit up.

The two men continued negotiating late into the night regarding the conditions of their deal, which they began writing down into a document. It consisted of extreme tax and ownership liberalization compared to the system under the, by this point defunct, VOC. Hermanus Steyn would meet with Adriaan van Jaarsveld personally with the document in hand, but the president of Swellendam said that he is very likely to accept the conditions laid out within anyway.

Hostilities between the Republics and the Coalition would cease until the war in Europe would draw to a conclusion and all captured soldiers would be released.

Willem would soon return to Europe to continue fighting the French in the hopes of retaking his realm. The British, on the urging of the Prince and his promises to the Boer Republics, did not return the Cape to the Batavian Republic during the brief peace in 1803.


After Napoleon's defeat at Leipzig in October 1813, the French troops retreated to France from all over Europe. The Netherlands had been annexed to the French Empire by Napoleon in 1810. During the immediate power vacuum a number of former Orangist politicians and former Patriots formed a provisional government in November 1813. Although a large number of the members of the provisional government had helped drive out William V 18 years earlier, it was taken for granted that his son would have to head any new regime. They also agreed it would be better in the long term for the Dutch to restore him themselves, rather than have the Great Powers impose him on the country. The Dutch population were pleased with the departure of the French, who had ruined the Dutch economy, and this time welcomed the prince.

After having been invited by the Driemanschap of 1813, on 30 November 1813 William disembarked from HMS Warrior and landed at Scheveningen beach, only a few yards from the place where he had left the country with his father 18 years before, and on 6 December the provisional government offered him the title of King. William refused, instead proclaiming himself "Sovereign Prince of the Netherlands". He also wanted the rights of the people to be guaranteed by "a wise constitution".

The constitution offered William extensive (almost absolute) powers. Ministers were only responsible to him, while a unicameral parliament exercised only limited power. He was inaugurated as sovereign prince in the New Church in Amsterdam on 30 March 1814. In August 1814, he was appointed Governor-General of the former Austrian Netherlands and the Prince-Bishopric of Liège by the Allied Powers who occupied that country, ruling them on behalf of Prussia. He was also made Grand Duke of Luxembourg, having received that territory in return for trading his hereditary German lands to Prussia and the Duke of Nassau. The Great Powers had already agreed via the secret Eight Articles of London to unite the Low Countries into a single kingdom. It was believed that a united country on the North Sea would help keep France in check. With the de facto addition of the Austrian Netherlands and Luxembourg to his realm, William had fulfilled his family's three-century dream of uniting the Low Countries.

The Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1814 returned the Cape to the Dutch. There were prior talks by some British officials to maintain control of the Cape, but they were exhausted from war and not in favour of trying to enforce their will on the Boer Republics to the East of the colony and further deteriorate relations with the Dutch.

The burghers of the republics, happy with their new found economic freedom, gladly united with their fellow Dutch-men, and the Cape Colony was whole again.

Feeling threatened by Napoleon, who had escaped from Elba, William proclaimed the Netherlands a kingdom on 16 March 1815 at the urging of the powers gathered at the Congress of Vienna. His son, the future king William II, fought as a commander at the Battle of Waterloo. After Napoleon had been sent into exile, William adopted a new constitution which included many features of the old constitution, such as extensive royal powers. He was formally confirmed as hereditary ruler of what was known as the United Kingdom of the Netherlands at the Congress of Vienna.



Prince Willem wouldn’t visit the Cape again, however, his influence and negotiation had a great effect on the Dutch colony. Farmers on the frontier freely expanded their lands while allowing their eldest sons to travel over the horizon in search of new pastures. This led to a population and migratory explosion following the Napoleonic wars and would lead to vast riches soon being discovered beneath the open plains of Southern Africa.


"Illustration of a typical Trekboer family"

[clearthor]

"Illustration of the Great Trek"

Part 5: The Veld Of Opportunity

Stability within the Dutch Cape colony returned with the end of the Napoleonic Wars, the end of British occupation and the re-unification of the Dutch territories after being put under direct control of the Dutch government. Kaapstad no longer hoisted the flag of the VOC with its distinctive logo, but now hoisted the flag of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, which now included the former territories of Luxemburg, Flanders and the Brabant. The Cape Colony, officially, stretched from the Southern bank of the Orange river to the Western bank of the Kei river, the two meeting at the Drakensberg mountains. With the newly established laws, which included dramatic cuts in taxes in comparison to the VOC’s former policies, the settlers were allowed much easier movement within the colony and freely expanded their farmlands.

A census was conducted in 1822 within the official borders of the colony, the results were as follows:



The liberalisation of land and tax laws saw many farmers trekking into the interior, joining the Trekboers across the Orange river, in search of more fertile land upon which to settle. The Cape Colony issued laws that were meant to better organize these territories once settlers established static farms. If an adult male had built a permanent dwelling and remained and worked upon a piece of land for a period of at least 1 year, he could apply for land-rights recognition. This resulted in more or less sporadic but gradual expansion of the colony’s administrative borders across the Orange river as time passed.

This growth was not without conflict. During the early stages of this “Trek” the Trekboers encountered marauding tribes during a period known as the “Mfecane” or crushing. This period is marked by widespread chaos and warfare among indigenous ethnic communities in southern Africa between roughly 1815 and 1840.

As King Shaka created the militaristic Zulu Kingdom in the territory between the Tugela and Pongola rivers, his forces caused a wave of warfare and disruption. This was the prelude of the Mfecane, which spread from there. The movement of people caused many tribes to try to dominate those in new territories, such as the Matabele, the Mfengu and the Makololo.

When Trekboer families first reached the flat plains beyond the Orange river they discovered that it had been devastated by a section of the Zulu tribe under a brilliant, but ruthless and cruel leader named Mzilikazi and his people, afterward called the Matebele. The Matebele had swept the veld, destroying the fields, carrying off the cattle, and slaying all the people - saving only the young boys and girls whom they would bring up as Matebele.

The Trekboers soon came into collision with Mzilikazi's raiding parties, which attacked their hunters who crossed the Vaal River. Reprisals followed, and in November 1837 the trekboers decisively defeated Mzilikazi, who thereupon fled northward and eventually established himself on the site of the future Bulawayo north of the Limpopo river.

During the reign of Mzilikazi, king of the Matabele in the Transvaal roughly from 1826 to 1836, widespread killings and devastation were ordered to remove all opposition. He had attempted to reorganised the territory to establish the “new Ndebele order”. The death toll has never been satisfactorily determined, but the whole region became nearly depopulated. Normal estimates for the death toll range from 1 million to 2 million.

From the Limpopo to the Orange River, and from the Drakensberg mountains to the Kalahari Desert, the vast Veld was effectively empty of established tribes. Trekboers would later proclaim “God has thereby cleared our title to this place as the heathens turned on each other”.

In the meantime another party of settlers had established themselves at Thaba'nchu, not far from the Drakensberg Mountains.

The settlers were treated with great kindness by Moroka II, the chief of the Barolong. The Trekboers maintained uniformly friendly relations after they defeated Mzilikazi.

The Trekboers freely established farms and towns within the scarcely populated region which was comparatively the size of France. Vast settlement of this region continued towards the end of the 19th century. The “Boer Republics” (though still constituencies of the Cape Colony) of the Transoranje (later renamed to simply “Oranje-Frei-Staat”) with its capital at Bloemfontein, and the Transvaal, with its capital at Potchefstroom, were later officially declared. Each colony was granted nominal self-rule in as much accordance as the Swellendam and Graaff-Reinet regions of the Cape Colony.


King Shaka, of the Zulu Kingdom, granted permission to Europeans to enter Zulu territory on rare occasions. In the mid-1820s he was provided medical treatment by a European doctor after an assassination attempt made by a rival tribe member hidden in a crowd. To show his gratitude, Shaka permitted European settlers to enter and operate in his kingdom. This would later open the door for European settlement in Natal, a region loosely defined as the land South of the Tugela river reaching towards the Indian Ocean.

The initial settlers, primarily from the border regions of the Eastern districts, already numbered some 5000 men, women and children as well as many servants of mixed race. Dissensions speedily arose among the settlers, whose numbers were constantly added to, as they crossed the Drakensberg mountain range and entered Natal. Upon arrival they split into several parties and established farms throughout the area, but this caused the European population to be quite spread out compared to the interior regions. As with all the "republics" the administration was immensely decentralised.

The colony of “Natalia”, who’s governing body was situated at Port-Natal, later renamed “Alexandria-Suid” (after the Greek city in Egypt directly North), formed due to one of the largest parties settling near the coast. The relationship between this colony and the Zulu Kingdom remained Cordial throughout Shaka’s reign.

The Zulu monarch was, however, killed by three assassins sometime in 1828. Shaka's half-brother, Dingane, assumed power and embarked on an extensive purge of pro-Shaka elements and chieftains, running over several years, in order to secure his position. Dingane ruled for some twelve years, during which time he decided to make war on the Trekboer settlers. Unlike Shaka, Dingane was extremely distrustful of the Europeans settlers who were slowly taking over the region by means of often ludicrous deals with local chiefs. One remarkable incident occurred where a chief sold off almost half his land for a few barrels of brandy from a Trekboer.

Dingane sent in parties to attack the isolated farms of the settlers, murdering hundreds in a matter of months, seizing cattle and burning homes and ranches. However, the Trekboers retaliated by sending several commando units out to battle with the Zulu. After a devastating defeat at “Blood River” due to the use of the Laager formation of the Dutch colonials, Mpande (another half-brother of Dingane),with Trekboer support, took over the Zulu leadership in 1840, ruling for some 30 years. Partly in a sign of goodwill, and partly as a consequence for the war started by Dingane, parts of Zululand were ceded to the Dutch colonies.


Immigration to Southern Africa from Europe remained relatively high and consisted mostly of German, Dutch and Scandinavian settlers seeking farmland or those who did not wish to move to the cities for work in the European continent. Many missionaries also travelled to the Dutch colony to spread the word of God among the native inhabitants. Catholic immigration was heavily stunted by the colony’s overwhelmingly Calvinist population so only a select few Catholic missions were established. As a consequence the make-up of the colony’s immigration remained close to homogeneously Northern European for the time being. There was also a handful of people originally from other Dutch possessions, such as the East Indies, now residing in the Cape.


Back in the fatherland the domination of the Dutch over the economic, political, and social institutions of the Kingdom of the Netherlands caused friction with its Belgian subjects. Revolutionary moods had swept the South and the future of the Low Countries will soon be decided.


"A historical depiction of Leo Belgicus, showing the territorial extent to which the United Kingdom of the Netherlands aspired."

[clearthor]

"Episode of the Belgian Revolution of 1830, Gustaf Wappers (1834)"

Part 6: Great Riders Miracle

Catholic bishops in the south viewed the Protestant-majority north with suspicion, and had forbidden working for the new government.

The more numerous Northern provinces represented a majority in the United Kingdom of the Netherlands' elected Lower Assembly, and therefore the more populous Southerners felt significantly under-represented.

The traditional economy of trade and an incipient industrial revolution were also centered in the Dutch-region, particularly in the large port of Amsterdam. At the most basic level, the North was for free trade, while less developed local industries in the South called for the protection of tariffs. Free trade lowered the price of bread, made from wheat imported through the reviving port of Antwerp; at the same time, these imports from the Baltic depressed agriculture in Southern grain-growing regions.

King Willem I was from the North and largely ignored the demands for greater autonomy. His more progressive and amiable representative living in Brussels, which was the twin capital, was the Crown-Prince Willem, later King Willem II, who had some popularity among the upper class but none among peasants and workers.

A linguistic reform in 1823 was intended to make Dutch the official language in the Flemish provinces, since it was the language of most of the Flemish population. This reform met with strong opposition from the upper and middle classes who at the time were mostly French-speaking. On 4 June 1830, this reform was abolished.

The Belgian Revolution of 1830 crystallized this antagonism. Catholic partisans watched with excitement at the unfolding of the July Revolution in France, details of which were swiftly reported in the newspapers. On 25 August 1830 crowds had poured into the streets shouting patriotic slogans. The rioters swiftly took possession of government buildings.

Willem I sent his two sons, Crown-Prince Willem II and Prince Frederik to quell the riots. Willem II was asked by the Burghers of Brussels to come to the town alone, with no troops, for a meeting, this he did, despite the risks. The affable and moderate Crown Prince Willem II, who represented the monarchy in Brussels, was convinced by the Estates-General on 1 September that the administrative separation of north and south was the only viable solution to the crisis. His father rejected the terms of accommodation that he proposed. King Willem I attempted to restore the established order by force, but the 8,000 Dutch troops under Prince Frederik were unable to retake Brussels in bloody street fighting. A Declaration of Independence followed on 4 October 1830.

On 20 December 1830 the London Conference brought together five major European powers, Austria, Britain, France, Prussia and Russia. At first the European powers were divided over the Belgian cry for independence. The Napoleonic Wars were still fresh in the memories of Europeans, so when the French, under the recently installed July Monarchy, supported Belgian independence, the other powers unsurprisingly supported the continued union of the Provinces of the Netherlands. Russia, Prussia, Austria, and Great Britain all supported the somewhat authoritarian Dutch king, many fearing the French would annex an independent Belgium.

The Dutch did not receive support from the other Great Powers to reclaim Brussels and crush the revolt. Although at the moment they were supporting the Dutch King, if this instability carried on too long their fear of French intervention might make them support Belgian independence. Much of the Dutch's army had deserted due to a significant part of it having been Belgian. Willem I had other plans however. He had not forgotten how a well organized force such as the British had failed to subdue the Dutch settlers in that far-off colony in Africa during the Napoleonic Wars 30 years prior. Hermanus Steyn along with Adriaan van Jaarsveld were able to keep British forces at bay with small militias highly skilled in accurate shooting while firing from their horses. Such marksmanship was required in order to survive the South African frontier.

Due to the desperate situation regarding manpower, he had letters sent to the men who still commanded great respect from their peers in their old age for securing their new found economic freedom. In the letters he explained that revolutionary moods were about to tear the fatherland apart. He talked of (and without a doubt exaggerated) the plight of Calvinist Christians being oppressed and marginalized under Catholic Belgian revolutionary rule. He asked of them to gather willing marksmen to help retake Brussels and end the revolution. The men felt obligated to save their Brethren from the “Catholic Heretics”, but also felt they had not yet fully re-payed their King for his intervention in their affairs. The men rallied the populace with talk of a “Crusade” and managed to gather a combined force of around 12 000 men within a few months. This army gathered at Kaapstadt and boarded Dutch warships; each man bringing his own horse and rifle. The Dutch army offered proper uniforms which they struggled to convince the men to wear, because it made them “look like pish-posh city-folk”. They preferred their normal attire, which consisted of neutral or earth coloured farm-clothes, their only identifying trait being an arm-band of the Dutch tri-colours.

On the morning of 2 August 1831, just days after Leopold's coronation, the Dutch crossed the border near Poppel. Belgian scouts noticed the advance, and a number of roads were blocked with felled trees. The first skirmishes took place around Nieuwenkerk. The Dutch supreme commander, the Prince of Orange, arrived in the afternoon to support his troops and, at the same time, Zondereigen was taken by the Dutch, with some 400 Belgians repulsed. Near Ravels, the Belgian army was rapidly driven into the surrounding forests by the Dutch and subsequently into a swamp. The Belgians later retreated to Turnhout, allowing the Dutch to set up camp. The sound of the Dutch artillery alarmed the population of Turnhout, who fled en masse towards Antwerp. The next day a Dutch force of about 11,000 prepared to take Turnhout, while another Dutch corps made a diversion towards Antwerp (in reality they would attack Turnhout from another direction). In the following battle, the Dutch smashed the Belgian forces, whose morale broke down early in the battle when the Belgian banner was torn apart by Dutch artillery and a soldier lost a leg to a cannonball. The Belgians were unable to hold their ground and fled.


On 4 August, the Dutch took the city of Antwerp. The flag of Brabant was taken down and the Dutch flag was hoisted. The Prince of Orange demanded that the flag be taken down again, because it symbolized occupation rather than a restoration of Dutch power. At the same time the Dutch armies split up and moved further into Belgium, defeating numerous militias and two regular Belgian armies with ease. The division led by Prince Bernhard of Saxe-Weimar moved upon Geel and Diest, and the Third division moved into Limburg. On 8 August, the Dutch defeated the Belgian Army of the Meuse near Hasselt. On 11 August the advance guard of the Belgian Army of the Scheldt was defeated near Boutersem. The next day the Dutch army attacked and defeated the Belgians near Leuven.


For the Belgians all seemed lost. Fearing the total disintegration of the army, Leopold called for international support on 8 August. Sylvain Van de Weyer was sent to attempt to solicit support from Great Britain while François Lehon was sent to France. Although the British government was reluctant to send troops to support Belgium, the French immediately dispatched a force without informing the other Great Powers. The movement of French troops into Belgium particularly worried the British, who felt that it could represent a threat to Europe's balance of power. The French army under Marshal Étienne Gérard crossed the border the next day. The Dutch had taken a risk by invading Belgium without the support of its allies: Russia had wanted to assist but was having trouble suppressing the Polish revolution, and Prussia would not risk sending troops without Russia being able to secure its western borders; now they faced war with the French. The British diplomat Robert Adair urged King Willem I to halt the Dutch advance on Brussels. However the King brushed aside his pleads for peace and continued to press forward; famously quoting "De Fransen zullen ons nooit meer uit ons land drijven!" (“The French will never drive us from our land again!”).

The Dutch Army numbering some 40 000 men gathered South-East of Brussels and met the French on August 12 1831. The French bolstered by Belgian troops had about double the manpower of the Dutch, initially. The Prince of Orange Willem II issued a proclamation to the French and Belgians. He made it clear that he arrived as the heir to the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, and that the Belgians among the French were traitors to their Kingdom and should stand-down least they face execution. He advised the French to retreat from “non-French soil” if they valued their lives. King Leopold was among the armies on the opposing side and mocked the Dutch demands.

The French-Belgian armies, confident in their numerical superiority, advanced on the Dutch forward positions to the East. The Prince detached a section of his army to march towards the outskirts of Brussels North of them. The rest swung towards the North East in a feigned retreat which encouraged the French-Belgian army to pursue. The re-positioning detached the 10 000 Belgian army, much less trained and more disorganized, towards Brussels to defend their capital from the Dutch detachment; exposing the weak left side of the allied force to reinforcements coming from the South West. These reinforcements were a 12 000-man cavalry force that had been recruited from the Cape Colony.



The French and Belgian cannon were moving much slower than the rest of the army, a few had decided that the Dutch retreat meant the battle was already won and hadn’t bothered to pursue. They were the first casualties when a barrage of bullets fell upon their positions. The Dutch colonial troops charged forward, briefly paused and fired highly accurate volleys into the rear positions of the Belgian force. After half an hour the Belgians had been decimated and were already in a disorganized retreat towards the city while being fired upon by the Dutch detachment from the North East and the cavalry from the South West. During this commotion the French army realized the encirclement attempt and stopped their pursuit of the main Dutch force. Marshal Étienne Gérard ordered the French to regroup and attempted to retreat South East, but not before the Dutch could inflict massive casualties. There was not enough Dutch forces to envelope the French so most of the army managed to escape through the South Eastern gap.

Casualties numbered 4 000 Dutch regulars wounded and killed while the colonial troops suffered about 700 casualties. The Belgians had suffered 7 000 casualties, mostly from the Dutch rear attack while the French suffered 15 000 casualties in the process of escaping the encirclement and further skirmishes during strategic retreat. In the battle King Leopold was wounded in the chest while trying to rally the fleeing Belgians. He was carried into the city center but later died of blood loss.

The French interventionist forces performed a strategic retreat, but they were constantly being peppered guerrilla-style by the Dutch cavalry until they were nearing the border between France and Belgium. Meanwhile the remaining Dutch forces occupied Brussels.

France was already planning a renewed invasion but upon hearing of the Dutch victory the other great powers felt confident enough to threaten France if they turned it into a general war. To reduce embarrassment and to not risk souring relations more, the French stood down.

Willem I had, with the help of his force of marksmen, decisively put an end to the Belgian revolution and defeated the French forces in what was later called the “De Grote Ruiters Wonder” (The Great Riders Miracle).

The Boers paraded alongside the Dutch army in Amsterdam and received military honors from Willem I before departing a few months later back to their homes on the African continent. Only a hand-full decided to stay due to the Boers general dislike of the landscape. "Waar de fok is die berge?!" (“Where are the f###ing mountains?!”) they asked.



Johan jumped off his horse and landed on the dusty ground beneath him. He made his way to the front porch of his farmhouse. His wife, Maria, was sitting there with their 4 year old daughter and holding their 2 year old son who he had not seen in more than a year. He kissed his wife and took his daughter up into his arms. “I have a present for you Pappa!” she told him and took out a small shiny stone from her left pocket while her father held her. Johan gazed at the stone with a shocked expression. Maria herself was not aware of this late birthday present. “What did you get Pappa?” she asked while leaning forward to look at what she was holding. “I found this by the river and brought it to Oom Tiaan, he said it’s a diamond. Pappa it’s for you!”


"Boer Cavalryman"

[clearthor]

There are two more chapters already written, but I'll give you guys time to give feedback and speculate first before posting them. I know this site is a bit slower than others but I am patient. I might even change the last two chapters up a little depending on what you guys say here as I'm not entirely satisfied with them. So feel free to give suggestions and thoughts on where this TL might be going. Any questions also feel free to ask.

[lordroel]

May 1, 2017 15:47:05 GMT clearthor said:

There are two more chapters already written, but I'll give you guys time to give feedback and speculate first before posting them. I know this site is a bit slower than others but I am patient. I might even change the last two chapters up a little depending on what you guys say here as I'm not entirely satisfied with them. So feel free to give suggestions and thoughts on where this TL might be going. Any questions also feel free to ask.

A nice timeline so far, keep up the good work.

[fluttersky]

Good to see this timeline being started again.

I think I'll reread it soon to refresh my memory.

[clearthor]

Question: Can you guys see all the images I posted? They seem to not be view-able on my phone but everything seems fine when i browse from my laptop. There are at least 2 in each chapter, at the start and beginning.

[clearthor]

May 2, 2017 10:11:49 GMT fluttersky said:

Good to see this timeline being started again.

I think I'll reread it soon to refresh my memory.

Glad you got here. If it's not too much trouble you mind telling the others I'm continuing here? Thanks

[lordroel]

May 2, 2017 18:41:29 GMT clearthor said:

Question: Can you guys see all the images I posted? They seem to not be view-able on my phone but everything seems fine when i browse from my laptop. There are at least 2 in each chapter, at the start and beginning.

Some we see and some we only see a cross.

[clearthor]

May 2, 2017 18:52:59 GMT lordroel said:

May 2, 2017 18:41:29 GMT clearthor said:

Question: Can you guys see all the images I posted? They seem to not be view-able on my phone but everything seems fine when i browse from my laptop. There are at least 2 in each chapter, at the start and beginning.

Some we see and some we only see a cross.

Ok then I'll fix that.

[clearthor]

Okay they should all work now, sorry about that.

[fluttersky]

May 2, 2017 18:42:31 GMT clearthor said:

May 2, 2017 10:11:49 GMT fluttersky said:

Good to see this timeline being started again.

I think I'll reread it soon to refresh my memory.

Glad you got here. If it's not too much trouble you mind telling the others I'm continuing here? Thanks

Yep, I've told 23 people by PM that you're continuing the timeline here (and 5 of them responded to thank me).

I would guess that several people are reading this thread, but simply haven't bothered signing up to AltHistoria yet.

As for the pictures: they're all visible for me now.

[J. de Vos]

Thanks for the PM. Reading it here now!

[clearthor]

Part 7: Gold, Diamonds and Famine





Secessionist moods in the Belgian region of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands remained after the occupation of Brussels. However, measures were taken to grant the French-speaking population more representation, though not as much as they would prefer. It would not matter for the next few decades as something else had grabbed the attention of the Kingdom’s national conscious: Gold and diamonds.

In the early 1830s diamonds were discovered in the Vaal River which separated the Dutch Transvaal and Oranje colonies. It was during the year 1833 that the 83½-ct “Ster van Suid-Afrika” (Star of South Africa) diamond was discovered close to the banks of the Vaal River. The news of the sale of the “Ster van Suid Afrika”, which fetched £30 000, and the discovery of more diamonds dispelled all doubts about the region’s potential mineral wealth.

It was called a Diamond “rush”, but the word was scarcely appropriate, for no prospector had ever had such a slow and arduous journey as those who first made their way to the bank of the Vaal river. From the Kaap docks to the diamond-fields is the better part of a 1 000 km journey and the landscape of the South African interior makes for hard travelling, especially on foot or by horse.

At the initial stage of the rush, a slow trickle of prospectors descended on the bank of the Vaal river and, by the end of 1835, several thousand people were encamped along the bank. The success of the first systematic diamond exploration on the north bank of the Vaal encouraged more adventurers to invest time and savings while the rush lasted. The Dutch farmers or “Boers” had already settled the region north of the Vaal River which was called the Transvaal colony. The capital lay at Pretoria, not far away from the Witwatersrand region where an even bigger discovery was waiting. It was there that a discovery of an outcrop of gold on the farm Langlaagte in February 1836 was made.

The United Kingdom of the Netherlands was in possession of perhaps one of the largest deposits of precious minerals the world had ever seen. Between the years 1835 and 1860 it was recorded that nearly 300 000 people immigrated to the Dutch colonies, equally Dutch and German, but also French, British, American and Russian. The effects of the rush were substantial. Though unfortunately whole indigenous tribes were often attacked and pushed off their lands by the gold-seekers. Agriculture and ranching expanded throughout the region to meet the needs of the settlers. The Witwatersrand grew from a small settlement of about 200 residents in 1836 to a boom-town named Johannesburg of about 180 000 by 1860; surpassing the population of Kaapstadt at the time. Roads, churches, schools and other towns were built throughout the interior.

One consequence of the gold rush was the construction of the first railway lines in this part of Africa. As a result of the rapid development of the goldfields on the Witwatersrand in the 1840s the Netherlands-South African Railway Company was founded and commissioned on 20 July 1853 to construct a railway line from Johannesburg to Kaapstadt. The line was opened on 17 March 1857.

The colony and thus the Kingdom of the Netherlands was by this point the largest producer of gold and diamonds in the world. With the extreme amount of wealth pouring into the treasury the Dutch were able to fund ambitious development and expansion of their possessions in South East Asia, exploring and colonizing much of the South Asian islands including all of Borneo and New Guinea.

This also entailed military expansion, namely the navy. The Dutch had long ceased to be a naval power on the scale of other countries such as France and Britain. The Anglo-Dutch wars seemed like a long forgotten tale. However, they still maintained a highly skilled naval tradition and with the appropriate funding and materials, as well as the incentive of guarding this new found wealth from curious neighbors, the need and ability for an enlargement of the navy was there. Skilled labour and machinery was sent to “De Goue Kaap” (The Golden Cape) as it was nicknamed. Kaapstadt, although surpassed in population by the mining regions of the interior, became an extremely busy port, exporting goods, precious minerals and mail between the colony and the rest of the world. Scholars of the time declared that a new “Golden Age” had dawned for the Dutch Nation, echoing the time during the 17th century.

A serious movement for union of the colonies arose in the 1850s, a time when there was increasing nationalism among the settlers, the great majority of whom were native-born. The idea of being an "Afrikaner" began to be celebrated in songs and poems. This was fostered by the vast distance between the colonies and the Netherlands which very few actually traveled to visit besides the educated elite. The South African colonies were also influenced by other federations which had emerged around the world, notably the United States.

The first champions of Afrikaner nationalism came from several members of the Dutch Reformed Church. The Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners ("Society of Real Afrikaners") was formed on 14 August 1855 in the town of Paarl by these members. These men funded the publishing of “Die Afrikaanse Patriot” newspaper. In these writings, they put forward the notion that Afrikaners were a distinct nationality and that the volk's destiny was to rule South Africa. They also stressed the need for the recognition of “the Cape Dutch dialect” as its own language as well as published a number of books, including grammars, dictionaries, religious material and histories.

Some Dutch academics had observed that most of the South Africans of Dutch descent could not speak the "pure" form of their original mother tongue anymore. In the course of its 200-year-old history, the language of the immigrants from the Netherlands had been thoroughly changed by the influence of other European immigrants, indigenous tribes such as the early Khoikhoi, low rates of literacy and the vast distances and thus isolation of many communities. In 1854 these views were expressed in the journal De Zuid-Afrikaan, under the title "Is die Afferkaans wesenlijk een taal?" The more influential members of the Dutch Reformed Church disliked talks of preaching in “kitchen Dutch” and outright condemned translating the Bible into the dialect. “We zullen niet toestaan dat het heilige woord van God door het slijk gehaald wordt door het boek te preken in onwaardig gebrabbel” (“We will not let the holy word of God be dragged through the mud by preaching his book in improper language")

The UKN have had full control of the colonies ever since Willem I had placed it under direct administration after the bankruptcy of the VOC in the early 1800s. The Mfecane a few decades prior may have in a disastrous manner opened up the interior for European settlement, but several indigenous tribes still inhabited South Africa, namely the Zulus, Basothos and Xhosa tribes. These tribes, fearing further encroachment by other European powers, especially after the discovery of mineral wealth, petitioned Dutch colonial authorities to make them protectorates. These specific tribes lived in relative peace with the settlers for many years with hardly any skirmishes breaking out over land disputes. However, the Xhosa had not forgotten the great massacre during the early half of the 18th century ,more than 100 years prior, that had pushed them into the Transkei region. They knew any armed conflict would spell disaster and most rather preferred peaceful coexistence as it seemed like the only logical option at the time, but the yearning for revenge remained. These desperate desires would lead to Nongqawuse’s following.

In April or May 1856, the teenage Nongqawuse [this actually happened] and her friend Nombanda went to chase away birds from a crop field near the mouth of the Gxarha River. When she returned, Nongqawuse told her uncle and guardian Mhlakaza, a Xhosa spiritualist, that she had met the spirits of three of her ancestors.

She claimed that the spirits had told her that the Xhosa people should destroy their crops and kill their cattle, the source of their wealth as well as food. In return the spirits would sweep the Dutch settlers into the sea. The Xhosa would be able to replenish the granaries, and fill the kraals with more beautiful and healthier cattle. During this time many Xhosa herds were plagued with "lung sickness", possibly introduced by European cattle. By 1856, many cattle had died, and the Xhosa believed that the deaths were caused by umuthi - witchcraft.

Mhlakaza repeated the prophecy to Chief Sarhili. At first, the Xhosa were ordered to kill their fat cattle. Nongqawuse, standing in the river where the spirits had first appeared, heard unearthly noises, interpreted by her uncle as orders to kill more and more cattle. At length, the spirits commanded that not an animal of all their herds was to remain alive, and every grain of corn was to be destroyed. If that were done, on a given date, myriads of cattle more beautiful than those destroyed would issue from the earth, while great fields of corn, ripe and ready for harvest, would instantly appear. The dead would rise, trouble and sickness vanish, and youth and beauty come to all alike. Unbelievers and the white man would on that day perish. Sarhili ordered his followers to obey the prophecy, causing the cattle-killing movement to spread to an unstoppable point. The cattle-killing frenzy affected not only the Gcaleka, Sarhili's clan, but the whole of the Xhosa nation. Certainly some of the principal chiefs believed that they were acting simply in preparation for a last struggle with the Europeans, their plan being to throw the whole Xhosa nation fully armed and famished upon the colony. Belief in the prophecy was bolstered by the death of Lieutenant-General Cathcart in the Crimean War in 1854. His death was interpreted as being due to intervention by the ancestors. Historians estimate that the Gcaleka killed between 300,000 and 400,000 head of cattle.

There were those who neither believed the predictions nor looked for success in war, but destroyed their last particle of food in unquestioning obedience to their chief’s command. Either in faith that reached the sublime, or in obedience equally great, vast numbers of the people acted. Great kraals were also prepared for the promised cattle, and huge skin sacks to hold the milk that was soon to be more plentiful than water. At length the day dawned which, according to the prophecies, was to usher in the terrestrial paradise. The sun rose and sank, but the expected miracle did not come to pass. The chiefs who had planned to hurl the famished warriors upon the colony had committed an incredible blunder. They realized their error too late, and attempted to fix the situation by changing the resurrection to another day, but blank despair had taken the place of hope and faith.

In their extreme famine, many of the Xhosa turned to cannibalism, and one instance of parents eating their own child is authenticated. Among the survivors was the girl Nongqawuse; however, her uncle perished. This movement drew to an end by early 1858. By then, approximately 80 000 people had starved to death, reducing the population of the remaining Xhosa to a mere 27 000. As a result Nongqawuse was arrested by the Dutch authorities and imprisoned on Robben Island.

The Transkei, with its hilly but fertile soil and relatively high rainfall, now lay mostly depopulated by a desperate people’s hope for prosperity. The region was settled by European settlers in the 1860s and by the early 20th century the Xhosa would cease to exist as a nation due to emigration and mixing with hundreds of thousands of colonials over the decades.

Fortunately the Zulu and Basotho did not fall for superstitious prophecies and continued to live in harmony with the colonies.

[lordroel]

May 24, 2017 13:43:58 GMT clearthor said:

Fortunately the Zulu and Basotho did not fall for superstitious prophecies and continued to live in harmony with the colonies.

Until the Zulu wars begin i would assume.

[clearthor]

May 24, 2017 15:21:49 GMT lordroel said:

May 24, 2017 13:43:58 GMT clearthor said:

Fortunately the Zulu and Basotho did not fall for superstitious prophecies and continued to live in harmony with the colonies.

Until the Zulu wars begin i would assume.

Contrary to popular belief the Zulus were peaceful towards the European settlers most of the time in OTL. There was a brief war with the Boers in the 1830s (which ended quickly when the Boers helped a different  leader become King) and of course the British invasion of Zululand during the last few months of the 1870s (at which point the Zulus control but a small portion of the South-East coast, not a very large and hegemonic Kingdom). The Xhosa caused much more friction historically (I recall there being something like 9 Xhosa Wars in the span of 100 years) but the Zulus are famous for their fierce warriors and relatively large realm. At this stage in the ATL they are protectorates of the Dutch colonies so there's not much more conflict to be had between the natives in South Africa and the Dutch; not military-engagement-tier at least.

Though a feeling of lost power might be in the Zulu national conscious as the story develops. Perhaps a new leader will arise wanting independence? We'll see.